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fence, and in this way spread the good feeling, without seeming to have any such ⚫bject. He was everywhere favorably greeted by the people, and received by delegations which in many instances were specially made up of all shades of opinion. The Cabinet was composed of men of rare political distinction, even in that day of great men. It was probably easier to be great then than now, just as it is easier This advice had been given with a view to be a big political hero in the little State to influence the appointment of a mixed of Delaware than it is in the big States of political Cabinet, but while Monroe proNew York or Pennsylvania. Yet these fessed to believe that a free government men were universally accepted as great could exist without political parties, he without regard to their localities. All were nevertheless sought to bring all of the peoRepublicans or Democrats, with John ple into one political fold, and that the Quincy Adams as Secretary of State, Wm. Democratic. Yet he certainly and plainly H. Crawford (Monroe's competitor for the sought to allay factions in his own party, nomination) as Secretary of the Treasury, and with this view selected Crawford for John C. Calhoun as Secretary of War, the Treasury-the gentleman who had William Wirt as Attorney General. All been so warmly supported in the nominaof these united with the President in the ting struggle by the Clintonians and by all general desire to call a halt upon the who objected to the predominating inpolitical asperities which were then recog-fluence of Virginia in national politics. nized as a public evil. On one occasion, Monroe, like his immediate predecessor, during his tour, the citizens of Kennebunk accepted and acted upon the doctrines of and its vicinity, in Maine, having in their the new school of Republicans as repreaddress alluded to the prospects of a politi- sented by Clay and Calhoun, both of whom cal union among the people in support of still favored a tariff, while Clay had be the administration, the President said in come a warm advocate of a national sysreply: tem of internal improvements. These two statesmen thus early differed on some questions, but they were justly regarded as the leading friends and advisers of the administration, for to both still clung the patriotic recollections of the war which they had so warmly advocated and supported, and the issue of which attested their wisdom. Clay preferred to be called a Republican; Calhoun preferred to be called a Democrat, and just then the terms were so often exchanged and mingled that history is at fault in the exact designation, while tradition is colored by the bias of subsequent events and lives.


Monroe's first inaugural leaned toward Clay's scheme of internal improvements, but questioned its constitutionality. Clay was next to Jefferson the most original of all our statesmen and politicians. He was prolific in measures, and almost resistless in their advocacy, From a political standpoint he was the most direct author of the war of 1812, for his advocacy mainly brought it to the issue of arms, which through him and Calhoun were substituted for diplomacy. And Calhoun then stood in broader view before the country than since. His sectional pride and bias had been rarely aroused, and like Clay he seemed to act for the country as an entirety. Subsequent sectional issues changed the views held of him by the people of both the North and South.

We have said that Monroe leaned toward internal improvements, but he eapacity, and firmness, without regard to thought Congress was not clothed by the

You are pleased to express a confident hope that a spirit of mutual conciliation may be one of the blessings which may result from my administration. This indeed would be an eminent blessing, and I pray it may be realized. Nothing but union is waiting to make us a great people. The present time affords the happiest presage that this union is fast consummating. It cannot be otherwise; I daily see greater proofs of it. The further I advance in my progress in the country, the more I perceive that we are all Americans -that we compose but one family-that our republican institutions will be supported and perpetuated by the united zeal and patriotism of all. Nothing could give me greater satisfaction than to behold a perfect union among ourselves-a union which is necessary to restore to social intercourse its former charms, and to render our happiness, as a nation, unmixed and complete. To promote this desirable result requires no compromise of principle, and I promise to give it my continued attention, and my best endeavors."

Even General Jackson, since held up to public view by historians as the most austere and "stalwart" of all politicians, caught the sweet infection of peace, and thus advised President Monroe:

"Now is the time to exterminate that monster, called party spirit. By selecting [for cabinet officers] characters most conspicuous for their probity, virtue,

party, you will go far to, if not entirely, eradicate those feelings, which, on former occasions, threw so many obstacles in the way of government. The chief magistrate of a great and powerful nation should never indulge in party feelings. His conduct should be liberal and disinterested; always bearing in mind, that he acts for the whole and not a part of the community."


Constitution with the power to authorize to do so. It is only when rights are inmeasures supporting it, and when the op- vaded or seriously menaced, that we reportunity was presented (May 4, 1822) he sent injuries, or make preparation for our vetoed the bill "for the preservation and defense. With the movements in this repair of the Cumberland road," and ac- hemisphere we are of necessity more imcompanied the veto with a most elaborate mediately connected, and by causes which message in which he discussed the consti- must be obvious to all enlightened and tutional aspects of the question. A plain impartial observers. The political system majority of the friends of the administra- of the allied powers is essentially different tion, under the leadership of Clay, sup-in this respect from that of America. This ported the theory of internal improve- difference proceeds from that which exists ments from the time the administration in their respective governments. And to began, but were reluctant to permit a divi- the defense of our own, which has been sion of the party on the question. achieved by the loss of so much blood and treasure, and matured by the wisdom of their most enlightened citizens, and under which we have enjoyed unexampled felicity, this whole nation is devoted. We owe it, therefore, to candor, and to the amicable relations existing between the United States and those powers, to declare, that we should consider any attempt on their

Mississippi and Illinois were admitted to the Union during the "Era of Good Feeling," without serious political disturbance, while Alabama was authorized to form a state constitution and government, and Arkansas was authorized as a separate territorial government from part of Missouri. In 1819 President Monroe made a tour through the Southern States to ex-part to extend their system to any portion amine their defenses and see and get ac- of this hemisphere as dangerous to our quainted with the people. From the first peace and safety. With the existing coloinauguration of Monroe up to 1819 party nies or dependencies of any European lines can hardly be said to have existed, power we have not interfered, and shall but in the sixteenth session of Congress, not interfere. But with the governments which continued until May, 1820, new who have declared their independence, and questions of national interest arose, pro- maintained it, and whose independence we minent among which were additional pro- have, on great consideration, and on just tective duties for our manufactures; inter- principles, acknowledged, we could not nal improvements by the government; view any interposition for the purpose of acknowledgments of the independence of oppressing them, or controlling in any the South American States. other manner their destiny, by any European power, in any other light than as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition toward the United States. In the war between those new governments and Spain, we declared our neutrality at the time of their recognition, and to this we have adhered, and shall continue to adhere, provided no change shall occur which, in the judgment of the competent authorities of this government, shall make a corresponding change on the part of the United States indispensable to their security.

"It was stated, at the commencement of the last session, that a great effort was then making in Spain and Portugal to improve the condition of the people of those countries, and that it appeared to be conducted with extraordinary moderation. It need scarcely be remarked that the result has been, so far, very different from what was then anticipated. Of events in that quarter of the globe, with which we have so much intercourse, and from which we derive our origin, we have always been anxious and interested spectators. The citizens of the United States cherish sentiments the most friendly in favor of the liberty and happiness of their fellow men on that side of the Atlantic. In the wars of the European powers, in matters relat-less remains the same, which is, not to ining to themselves, we have never taken any terfere in the internal concerns of any part, nor does it comport with our policy of its powers; to consider the government,

The late events in Spain and Portugal show that Europe is still unsettled. Of this important fact no stronger proof can be adduced, than that the allied powers should have thought it proper, on a principle satisfactory to themselves, to have interposed by force in the internal concerns of Spain. To what extent such interposition may be carried, on the same principle, is a question to which all independent powers, whose governments differ from theirs, are interested; even those most remote, and surely none more so than the United States. Our policy in regard to Europe, which was adopted at an early stage of the wars which have so long agitated that quarter of the globe, neverthe

The Monroe Doctrine.

Upon the question of recognizing the independence of the South American States, the President made a record which has ever since been quoted and denominated 'The Monroe Doctrine." It is embodied in the following abstract of his seventh annual message, under date of Dec. 2d, 1823:

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de facto, as the legitimate government for us: to cultivate friendly relations with it, and to preserve those relations by a frank, firm, and manly policy; meeting, in all instances, the just claims of every power, submitting to injuries from none. But in regard to these continents, circumstances are eminently and conspicuously different. It is impossible that the allied powers should extend their political system to any portion of either continent without endangering our peace and happiness; nor can any one believe, that our southern brethren, if left to themselves, would adopt it of their own accord. It is equally impossible, therefore that we should behold such interposition, in any form, with indifference. If we look to the comparative strength and resources of Spain and those new governments, and their distance from each other, it must be obvious that she can never subdue them. It is still the true policy of the United States to leave the parties to themselves, in the hope that other powers will pursue the same course."

The second election of Monroe, in 1820, was accomplished without a contest. Out of 231 electoral votes, but one was cast against him, and that for John Quincy Adams. Mr. Tompkins, the candidate for Vice-President, was only a little less fortunate, there being 14 scattering votes against him. Neither party, if indeed there was a Federalist party left made any nominations.

portions of the then province of Louisiana. In this controversy, the compromise was sustained and carried entirely by the Democratic Senators and members from the Southern and slave-holding States aided and sanctioned by the Executive, and it was opposed by fifteen Senators from nonslave-holding States, who represented the opposite side on the political questions of the day. It passed the House by a close vote of 86 to 82. It has been seriously questioned since whether this act was constitutional. The real struggle was political, and for the balance of power. For a while it threatened the total overthrow of all political parties upon principle, and the substitution of geographical parties discriminated by the slave line, and thus destroying the proper action of the Federal government, and leading to a separation of the States. It was a federal movement, accruing to the benefit of that party, and at first carried all the Northern democracy in its current, giving the supremacy to their adversaries. When this effect was perceived, democrats from the northern non slave-holding States took early opportunity to prevent their own overthrow, by voting for the admission of the States on any terms, and thus prevent the eventual separation of the States in the establishment of geographical parties divided by a slavery and anti-slavery line.

The year 1820 marked a period of finan cial distress in the country, which soon became that of the government. The army was reduced, and the general expenses of the departments cut down, despite which measures of economy the Congress deemed it necessary to authorize the President to contract for a loan of five million dollars. Distress was the cry of the day; relief the general demand, the chief demand coming from debtors to the Government for public lands purchased under the then credit system, this debt at-that time ag

The Missouri Compromise. The second session of the 17th Congress opened on the 4th day of March, 1820, with James Monroe at the head of the Executive Department of the Government, and the Democratic party in the majority in both branches of the Federal Legislature. The Cabinet at that time was composed of the most brilliant minds of the country, indeed as most justly re-gregating twenty-three millions of dollars. marked by Senator Thomas H. Benton in The banks failed, money vanished, instalhis published review of the events of that ments were coming due which could not period, it would be difficult to find in any be met; and the opening of Congress in government, in any country, at any time, November, 1820, was saluted by the arrival more talent and experience, more dignity of memorials from all the new States prayand decorum, more purity of private life, a ing for the relief to the purchaser of the larger mass of information, and more ad- public lands. The President referred to it diction to business, than was comprised in in his annual message of that year, and the list of celebrated names then consti- Congress passed a measure of relief by tuting the executive department of the changing the system to cash sales instead government. The legislative department of credit, reducing the price of the lands, was equally impressive. The exciting and and allowing present debtors to apply payagitating question then pending before ments already made to portions of the Congress was on the admission of the land purchased, relinquishing the remainState of Missouri into the Federal Union, der. Applications were made at that the subject of the issue being the attempted time for the establishment of the pretacking on of conditions restricting sla- emptive system, but without effect; the very within her limits. She was admitted new States continued to press the question without conditions under the so-called and finally prevailed, so that now the precompromise, which abolished it in certain emptive principle has become a fixed part

of our land system, permanently incorpo- | Road, which passed both houses of Congress, rated with it, and to the equal advantage met with a veto from President Monroe, of the settler and the government. accompanied by a state paper in exposition of his opinions upon the whole subjeet of Federal interference in matters of inter state commerce and roads and canals. He discussed the measure in all its bearings, and plainly showed it to be unconstitutional. After stating the question, he examined it under every head of coustitutional derivation under which its advocates claimed the power, and found it to be granted by no one of them and virtually prohibited by some of them. This was then and has since been considered to be the most elaborate and thoroughly considered opinion upon the general question which has ever been delivered by any American statesman. This great state paper, delivered at a time when internal improvement by the federal government had become an issue in the canvass for the Presidency and was ardently advocated by three of the candidates and qualified by two others, had an immense current in its power, carrying with it many of the old strict constructionists.

The session of 1820-21, is remarkable as being the first at which any proposition was made in Congress for the occupation and settlement of our territory on the Columbia river-the only part then owned by the United States on the Pacific coast. It was made by Dr. Floyd, a representative from Virginia, who argued that the establishment of a civilized power on the American coast of the Pacific could not fail to produce great and wonderful benefits not only to our own country, but to the people of Eastern Asia, China and Japan on the opposite side of the Pacific Ocean, and that the valley of the Columbia might become the granary of China and Japan. This movement suggested to Senator Benton, to move for the first time publicly in the United States, a resolution to send ministers to the Oriental States.


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At this time treaties with Mexico and Spain were ratified, by which the United States acquired Florida and ceded Texas; these treaties, together with the Missouri compromise-a measure contemporaneous with them-extinguished slave soil in all the United States territory west of the Mississippi, except in that portion which was to constitute the State of Arkansas; and, including the extinction in Texas consequent upon its cession to a non-slaveholding power, constituted the largest territorial abolition of slavery that was ever up to that period effected by any political power of any nation.

The revision of the tariff, with a view to the protection of home industry, and to the establishment of what was then called "The American System," was one of the large subjects before Congress at the session of 1823-24, and was the regular commencement of the heated debates on that question which afterwards ripened into a serious difficulty between the federal government and some of the Southern States. The presidential election being then depending, the subject became tinctured with party politics, in which so far as that ingredient was concerned, and was not controlled by other considerations, members divided pretty much on the line which al

The outside view of the slave question in the United States, at this time, is that the extension of slavery was then arrested, circumscribed, and confined within narrow territorial limits, while free States were permitted an almost unlimited expansion. ways divided them on a question of conIn 1822 a law passed Congress abolish-structive powers. The protection of doing the Indian factory system, which had mestic industry not being among the powbeen established during Washington's ad- ers granted, was looked for in the incidenministration, in 1796, under which the tal; and denied by the strict constructionGovernment acted as a factor or agent for ists to be a substantive term, to be exerthe sale of supplies to the Indians and the cised for the direct purpose of protection; purchase of furs from them; this branch of but admitted by all at that time and ever the service then belonged to the depart- since the first tariff act of 1789, to be an ment of the Secretary of War. The abuses incident to the revenue raising power, and discovered in it led to the discontinuance an incident to be regarded in the exercise of that system. of that power. Revenue the object, proThe Presidential election of 1824 was tection the incident, had been the rule in approaching, the candidates were in the the earlier tariffs; now that rule was sought field, their respective friends active and to be reversed, and to make protection the busy, and popular topics for the canvass in object of the law, and revenue the inciearnest requisition. Congress was full of dent. Mr. Henry Clay was the leader in projects for different objects of internal the proposed revision and the champion of improvement, mainly in roads and canals, the American system; he was ably supand the friends of each candidate exerted ported in the House by many able and themselves in rivalry of each other, under effective speakers; who based their arguthe supposition that their opinions would ment on the general distress then alleged to stand for those of their principals. An act be prevalent in the country Mr. Daniel for the preservation of the Cumberland Webster was the leading speaker on the

other side, and disputed the universality | bound to obey a particular impulsion, and of the distress which had been described; disobedience to which would be attended and contested the propriety of high or pro- with infamy, and with every penalty which hibitory duties, in the present active and public indignation could inflict. From the intelligent state of the world, to stimulate beginning they have stood pledged to vote industry and manufacturing enterprise. for the candidate indicated by the public will; and have proved not only to be useless, but an inconvenient intervention between the people and the object of their choice. Mr. McDuffie in the House of Representatives and Mr. Benton in the Senate, proposed amendments; the mode of taking the direct vote to be in districts, and the persons receiving the greatest number of votes for President or VicePresident in any district, to count one vote for such office respectively which is nothing but substituting the candidates them

The bill was carried by a close vote in both Houses. Though brought forward avowedly for the protection of domestic manufactures, it was not entirely supported on that ground; an increase of revenue being the motive with some, the public debt then being nearly ninety millions. An increased protection to the products of several States, as lead in Missouri and Illinois. hemp in Kentucky, iron in Pennsylvania, wool in Ohio and New York, commanded many votes for the bill; and the impending presidential election had its in-selves for their electoral representatives. fluence in its favor. In the election of 1824 four candidates were before the people for the office of President, General Jackson, John Quincy Adams, William H. Crawford and Henry Clay None of them received a majority of the 261 electoral votes, and the election devolved upon the House of Representatives. John C. Calhoun had a majority of the electoral votes for the office of VicePresident, and was elected. Mr. Adams was elected President by the House of Representatives, although General Jackson was the choice of the people, having received the greatest number of votes at the general election. The election of Mr. Adams was perfectly constitutional, and as such fully submitted to by the people; but it was a violation of the demos krateo principle; and that violation was equally rebuked. All the representatives who voted against the will of their constituents, lost their favor, and disappeared from public life. The representation in the House of Representatives was largely changed at the first general election, and presented a full opposition to the new President. Mr. Adams himself was injured by it, and at the ensuing presidential election was beaten by General Jackson more than two to one.

Two of the candidates, Messrs. Adams and Clay, voted for and avowedly supported General Jackson, who voted for the bill, was for it, as tending to give a home supply of the articles necessary in time of war, and as raising revenue to pay the public debt; Mr. Crawford was opposed to it, and Mr. Calhoun had withdrawn as a Presidential candidate. The Southern planting States were dissatisfied, believing that the new burdens upon imports which it imposed, fell upon the producers of the exports, and tended to enrich one section of the Union at the expense of another. The attack and support of the bill took much of a sectional aspect; Virginia, the two Carolinas, Georgia, and some others, being unanimous against it. Pennsylvania, New York, Ohio, and Kentucky being unanimous for it. Massachusetts, which up to this time had no small influence in commerce, voted, with all, except one member, against it. With this sectional aspect, a tariff for protection, also began to assume a political aspect, being taken under the care of the party, afterwards denominated as Whig. The bill was approved by President Monroe; a proof that that careful and strict constructionist of the constitution did not consider it as deprived of its revenue character by the degree of protection which it extended.

Mr. Clay, who took the lead in the House for Mr. Adams, and afterwards took upon himself the mission of reconciling the people to his election in a series of public speeches, was himself crippled in the effort, lost his place in the democratic party, and joined the Whigs (then called the

A subject which at the present time is exciting much criticism, viz: proposed amendments to the constitution relative to the election of President and Vice-President, had its origin in movements in that national republicans). The democratic direction taken by leading Democrats dur-principle was victor over the theory of the ing the campaign of 1824. The electoral Constitution, and beneficial results ensued. college has never been since the early elec- It vindicated the people in their right and tions, an independent body free to select their power. It re-established parties a President and Vice-President; though upon the basis of principle, and drew anew in theory they have been vested with such party lines, then almost obliterated under powers, in practice they have no such prac- the fusion of parties during the "era of tical power over the elections, and have good feeling," and the efforts of leading had none since their institution. In every men to make personal parties for themcase the elector has been an instrument, selves. It showed the conservative power

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