presented by the embargo issue could have brought them back to full political power, but lacking these leaders, the opportunity passed

Democrats and Federals.

The now

between Monroe and Madison.
usual Congressional caucus followed at
Washington, and although the Virginia
Legislature in its caucus proviously held
had been unable to decide between Madi-
son and Monroe, the Congressional body
chose Madison by 83 to 11, the minority
being divided between Clinton and Mon-

hardly be considered as a candidate. This
action broke up Randolph's faction in
Virginia, but left so much bitterness be-
hind it that a large portion attached them-
selves to the Federalists. In the election
which followed Madison received 122 elec-
toral votes against 47 for C. C. Pinckney,
of South Carolina, and 6 for Geo. Clinton
of New York.

During the ninth Congress, which as-roe, though the latter could by that time sembled on the second of December, 1805, the Republicans dropped their name and accepted that of "Democrats." In all their earlier strifes they had been charged by their opponents with desiring to run to the extremes of the democratic or mob rule," and fear of too general a belief in the truth of the charge led them to denials and rejection of a name which the father Before Jefferson's administration closed of their party had ever shown a fondness for. The earlier dangers which had he recommended the passage of an act to threatened their organization, and the re- prohibit the African slave trade after Jancollection of defeats suffered in their at-uary 1st, 1808, and it was passed accord"tempts to establish a government anti-fed-ingly. He had also rejected the form of a eral and confederate in their composition, treaty received from the British minister had been greatly modified by later successes, and with a characteristic cuteness peculiar to Americans they accepted an epithet and sought to turn it to the best account. In this they imitated the patriots who accepted the epithets in the British satirical song of "Yankee Doodle," and called themselves Yankees. From the ninth Congress the Jeffersonian Republicans called themselves Democrats, and the word Republican passed into disuse until later on in the history of our political parties, the opponents of the Democracy accepted it as a name which well filled the meaning of their attitude in the politics of the country.

Mr. Randolph of Roanoke, made the first schism in the Republican party under Jefferson, when he and three of his friends voted against the embargo act. He resisted its passage with his usual earnestness, and all attempts at reconciling him to the measure were unavailing. Self-willed, strong in argument and sarcasm, it is believed that his cause made it even more desirable for the Republicans to change name in the hope of recalling some of the more wayward "Democrats" who had advocated Jacobin democracy in the years gone by. The politicians of that day were never short of expedients, and no man so abounded in them as Jefferson himself.

Randolph improved his opportunities by getting most of the Virginia members to act with him against the foreign policy of the administration, but he was careful not to join the Federalists, and quickly denied any leaning that way. The first fruit of Lis faction was to bring forth Monroe as a candidate for President against Madisona movement which proved to be quite popular in Virginia, but which Jefferson flanked by bringing about a reconciliation

Erskine, and did this without the formality
of submitting it to the Senate-first, be-
cause it contained no provision on the ob-
jectionable practice of impressing our sea-
men; second, * because it was accompanied
by a note from the British ministers, by
which the British government reserved to
itself the right of releasing itself from the
stipulations in favor of neutral rights, if
the United States submitted to the British
decree, or other invasion of those rights by
France." This rejection of the treaty by
Jefferson caused public excitement, and
the Federalists sought to arouse the com-
mercial community against his action, and
cited the fact that his own trusted friends,
Monroe and Pinckney had negotiated it.
The President's party stood by him, and
they agreed that submission to the Senate
was immaterial, as its advice could not
bind him. This refusal to consider the
treaty was the first step leading to the war
of 1812, for embargoes followed, and Britain
openly claimed the right to search Amer-
ican vessels for her deserting seamen.
1807 this question was brought to issue
by the desertion of five British seamen
from the Halifax, and their enlistment on
the U. S. frigate Chesapeake. Four sepa-
rate demands were made for these men,
but all of the commanders, knowing the
firm attitude of Jefferson's administration
against the practice, refused, as did the
Secretary of State refuse a fifth demand
on the part of the British minister. On
the 23d of June following, while the
Chesapeake was near the capes of Virginia,
Capt. Humphreys of the British ship Leo-
pard attempted to search her for deserters.
Capt. Barron denied the right of search,
but on being fired into, lowered his flag,

In

*From the Statesman'. Manual, Vol. 1., by Edwin Williams.

Humphreys then took four men from the
Chesapeake, three of whom had previously
entered the British service, but were
Americans by birth, and had been form-
ally demanded by Washington. The act
was a direct violation of the international
law, for a nation's ship at sea like its ter-
ritory is inviolable. The British govern-
ment disavowed the act of its officer and
offered apology and reparation, which
were accepted.
accepted. This event, however,
strengthened Jefferson's rejection of the
Monroe-Pinckney treaty, and quickly stop-
ped adverse political criticism at home.
Foreign affairs remained, however, in a
complicated state, owing to the wars be-
tween England and the then successful
Napoleon, but they in no wise shook the
firm hold which Jefferson had upon the
people, nor the prestige of his party. He
stands in history as one of the best poli-
ticians our land has ever seen, and then
as now no one could successfully draw the
line between the really able politician and
the statesman. He was accepted as both.
His administration closed on the 3d of
March, 1809, when he expressed great
gratification at being able to retire to pri-
vate life.

proposal, and received the benefits of the act, and the direct result was to increase the growing hostility of England. From this time forward the negotiations had more the character of a diplomatic contest than an attempt to maintain peace. Both countries were upon their mettle, and early in 1811, Mr. Pinckney, the American minister to Great Britain, was recalled, and a year later a formal declaration of war was made by the United States.

Just prior to this the old issue, made by the Republicans against Hamilton's scheme for a National Bank, was revived by the fact that the charter of the bank ceased on the 4th of March, 1811, and an attempt was made to recharter it. A bill for this purpose was introduced into Congress, but on the 11th of January, 1811, it was indefinitely postponed in the House, by a vote of 65 to 64, while in the Senate it was rejected by the casting vote of the Vice-President, Geo. Clinton, on the 5th of February, 1811-this notwithstanding its provisions had been framed or approved by Gallatin, the Secretary of the Treasury. The Federalists were all strong advocates of the measure, and it was so strong that it divided some of the Democrats who enMr. Madison succeeded at a time when joyed a loose rein in the contest so far as the country, through fears of foreign aggres-the administration was concerned, the sion and violence, was exceedingly gloomy President not specially caring for political and despondent a feeling not encouraged quarrels at a time when war was threatened in the least by the statements of the Fed- with a powerful foreign nation. The views eralists, some of whom then thought politi- of the Federalists on this question descendcal criticism in hours of danger not un-ed to the Whigs some years later, and this patriotic. They described our agriculture fact led to the charges that the Whigs as discouraged, our fisheries abandoned, were but Federalists in disguise. our commerce restrained, our navy dismantled, our revenues destroyed at a time when war was at any moment probable with either France, England or Spain.

resentative hall. Calhoun was also in the House at this time, and already noted for the boldness of his views and their assertion.

The eleventh Congress continued the large Democratic majority, as did the twelfth, which met on the 4th of November, 1811, Henry Clay, then an ardent Madison, representing as he did the same supporter of the policy of Madison, sucparty, from the first resolved to follow the ceeding to the House speakership. He had policy of Jefferson, a fact about which there previously served two short sessions in the was no misunderstanding. He desired to U. S. Senate, and had already acquired a avert war as long as possible with England, high reputation as an able and fluent debatand sought by skilful diplomacy to avert er. He preferred the House, at that period the dangers presented by both France and of life, believing his powers better calcuEngland in their attitude with neutrals.lated to win fame in the more popular repEngland had declared that a man who was once a subject always remained a subject, and on this plea based her determination to impress again into her service all deserters from her navy. France, be- In this Congress jealousies arose against cause of refusal to accede to claims equally the political power of Virginia, which had at war with our rights, had authorized the already named three of the four Presiseizure of all American vessels entering dents, each for two terms, and De Witt the ports of France. In May, 1810, when Clinton, the well-known Governor of New the non-intercourse act had expired, Madi-York, sought through these jealousies to son caused proposals to be made to both create a division which would carry him belligerents, that if either would revoke its hostile edict, the non-intercourse act should be revived and enforced against the other nation. This act had been passed by the tenth Congress as a substitute for the embargo. France quickly accepted Madison's

into the Presidency. His efforts were for a time warmly seconded by several northern and southern states. A few months later the Legislature of New York formally opened the ball by nominating DeWitt Clinton for the Presidency. An address

was issued by his friends, August 17th, 1812,
which has since become known as the Clin-
tonian platform, and his followers were
known as Clintonian Democrats. The ad-
dress contained the first public protest
against the nomination of Presidential can-
didates by Congressional caucuses. There
was likewise declared opposition to that
'official regency which prescribed tenets of
political faith." The efforts of particular
states to monopolize the principal offices
was denounced, as was the continuance of
public men for long periods in office.

Madison was nominated for a second term by a Congressional caucus held at Washington, in May, 1812. John Langdon was nominated for Vice-President, but as he declined on account of age, Elbridge Gerry of Massachusetts, took his place. In September of the same year a convention of the opposition, representing eleven states, was held in the city of New York, which nominated De Witt Clinton, with Jared Ingersoll for Vice-President. This was the first national convention, partisan in character, and the Federalists have the credit of originating and carrying out the idea. The election resulted in the success of Madison, who received 128 electoral votes to 89 for Clinton.

had actually been intriguing for the dismemberment of the Union.

The act declaring war was approved by the President on the 18th of June, 1812, and is remarkably short and comprehensive. It was drawn by the attorney-general of the United States, William Pinckney, and is in the words following:

An act declaring war between the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and the dependencies thereof, and the United States of America and their territories.

Be it enacted, &c. That war be, and the same is hereby declared to exist between the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and the dependencies thereof, and the United States of America, and their territories; and that the President of the United States is hereby authorized to use the whole land and naval force of the United States to carry the same into effect, and to issue to private armed vessels of the United States commissions, or letters of marque and general reprisal, in such form as he shall think proper, and under the seal of the United States, against the vessels, goods, and effects, of the government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland and the subjects thereof."

This was a soul-stirring message, but it Though factious strife had been some- did not rally all the people as it should what rife, less attention was paid to_poli- have done. Political jealousies were very tics than to the approaching war. There great, and the frequent defeats of the Fedwere new Democratic leaders in the lower eralists, while they tended to greatly reduce House, and none were more prominent their numbers and weaken their power, than Clay of Kentucky, Calhoun, Cheves seemed to strengthen their animosity, and and Lowndes, all of South Carolina. The they could see nothing good in any act of policy of Jefferson in reducing the army the administration. They held, especially and navy was now greatly deplored, and in the New England states, that the war had the defenceless condition in which it left been declared by a political party simply, the country was the partial cause, at least a and not by the nation, though nearly all of stated cause of the factious feuds which fol- the Middle, and all of the Southern and lowed. Madison sought to change this Western States, warmly supported it. policy, and he did it at the earnest solici-Clay estimated that nine-tenths of the peotation of Clay, Calhoun and Lowndes, whople were in favor of the war, and under the were the recognized leaders of the war inspiration of his eloquence and the strong party. They had early determined that state papers of Madison, they doubtless Madison should be directly identified were at first. Throughout they felt their with them, and before his second nomina-political strength, and they just as heartily tion had won him over to their more de- returned the bitterness manifested by those cided views in favor of war with England. of the Federalists who opposed the war, He had held back, hoping that diplomacy branding them as enemies of the republic, might avert a contest, but when once con- and monarchists who preferred the reign of vinced that war was inevitable and even Britain.

desirable under the circumstances, his Four Federalist representatives in Conofficial utterances were bold and free. In gress went so far as to issue an address, the June following the caucus which re-opposing the war, the way in which it had nominated him, he declared in a message been declared, and denouncing it as unjust. that our flag was continually insulted on Some of the New England states refused the high seas; that the right of searching the order of the President to support it American vessels for British seamen was with their militia, and Massachusetts sent still in practice, and that thousands of peace memorials to Congress. American citizens had in this way been A peace party was formed with a view to impressed in service on foreign ships, that peacful efforts at adjustment of the difficulties had proved abortive, and that the British ministry and British emissaries

array the religious sentiment of the country against the war, and societies with similar objects were organized by the more radical of the Federalists. To such an ex

treme was this opposition carried, that | jesty and the United States are desirous of

some of the citizens of New London, Conn., made a practice of giving information to the enemy, by means of blue lights, of the departure of American vessels.

The Hartford Convention.

continuing their efforts to promote its entire abolition, it is hereby agreed that both the contracting parties shall use their best endeavors to accomplish so desirable an obJeet."

The eleventh and last article provides for binding effect of the treaty, upon the exchange of ratifications.

The position of New England in the war This opposition finally culminated in the is explained somewhat by her exposed poassembling of a convention at Hartford, at which delegates were present from all of the sition. Such of the militia as served enNew England states. They sat for three dured great hardships, and they were alweeks with closed doors, and issued an ad- most constantly called from their homes to dress which will be found in this volume meet new dangers. Distrusting their loyin the book devoted to political platforms. held all supplies from the militia of Massaalty, the general government had withIt was charged by the Democrats that the chusetts and Connecticut for the year 1814, real object of the convention was to negand these States were forced to bear the tiate a separate treaty of peace, on behalf of New England, with Great Britain, but burden of supporting them, at the same time this charge was as warmly denied. The contributing their quota of taxes to the exact truth has not since been discovered, general government-hardships, by the the fears of the participants of threatened trials for treason, closing their mouths, if their professions were false The treaty of Ghent, which was concluded on December 14th, 1814, prevented other action by the Hartford convention than that stated. It had assembled nine days before the treaty,

which is as follows:

Treaty of Ghent.

way, not greater than those borne by Pennsylvania and Ohio in the late war for the Union, nor half as hard as those borne by the border States at the same time. True, the coast towns of Massachusetts were subjected to constant assault from the British navy, and the people of these felt that they were defenceless. It was on their petition that the legislature of Massachusetts finally, by a vote of 226 to 67, adopted the report favoring the calling of the Hartford Convention. A circular was then addressed to the Governors of the other States, with a request that it be laid before their legislatures, inviting them to appoint delegates, and stating that the object was to deliberate upon the dangers to which the eastern section was exposed, "and to devise, if practicable, means of security and defence which might be consistent with the preservation of their resources from total ruin, and not repugnant to their obligations as members of the Union." The italicized portion shows that there was at least then no design of forming a separate treaty, or of promoting disunion. The legislatures of Connecticut and Rhode Island endorsed the call and sent delegates. Those of New Hampshire and Vermont did not, but delegates were sent by local conventions. These delegates, it is hardly necessary to remark, were all members of the Federal party, and their suspected designs and action made the "Hartford Convention" a bye-word and reproach in the mouths of Democratic orators for years thereafter. It gave to the Democrats, as did the entire history of the war, the prestige of superior patriotism, and they profited by it as long as the memory of the war of 1812 was all fresh. Indeed, directly after the war, The tenth article reads as follows:men seemed to keep in constant view the Whereas the traffic in slaves is irrecon- reluctance of the Federalists to support cilable with the principles of humanity war, and their almost open hostility to it and justice; and, whereas, both His Main New England. Peace brought pros

This treaty was negotiated by the Right Honorable James Lord Gambier, Henry Goulburn, Esq., and William Adams, Esq., on the part of Great Britain, and John Quincy Adams, James A. Bayard, Henry Clay, Jonathan Russell, and Albert Gallatin, on behalf of the United States.

The treaty can be found on p. 218, vol. 8, of Little & Brown's Statutes at Large. The first article provided for the restoration of all archives, records, or property taken by either party from the other during the war. This article expressly provides for the restoration of "slaves or other private property " The second article provided for the cessation of hostilities and limitation of time of capture. The third article provided for the restoration of prisoners of war.

The fourth article defined the boundary established by the treaty of 1783, and provided for commissioners to mark the same. The fifth, sixth, seventh, and eighth articles established rules to govern the proceedings of the commissioners.

The ninth article bound the United States and His Britannic Majesty to end all hostilities with Indian tribes, with whom they were then respectively at war.

the

The Democratic members of Congress, before the adjournment of the first session, held a caucus for the nomination of can

perity and plenty, but not oblivion of the old political issues, and this was the beginning of the end of the Federal party. Its decay thereafter was rapid and con-didates to succeed Madison and Gerry

stant.

The

It was understood that the retiring officers The eleventh, twelfth and thirteenth Con- and their confidential friends favored gresses had continued Democratic. The James Monroe of Virginia. Their wishes fourteenth began Dec. 4, 1815, with the were carried out, but not without a strugDemocratic majority in the House increased gle, Wm. H. Crawford of Georgia receivto 30. Clay had taken part in negotiating ing 54 votes against 65 for Monroe. the treaty, and on his return was again Democrats opposed to Virginia's dominaelected to the House, and was for the third tion in the politics of the country, made a time elected speaker. Though 65 Feder-second effort, and directed it against Monroe alists had been elected, but 10 were given in the caucus. Aaron Burr denounced to Federal candidates for speaker, this him as an improper and incompetent canparty now showing a strong, and under the didate, and joined in the protest then made circumstances, a very natural desire to against any nomination by a Congressional rub out party lines. The internal taxes caucus; he succeeding in getting nineteen and the postage rates were reduced. Democrats to stay out of the caucus. Later he advised renewed attempts to break down the Congressional caucus system, and before the nomination favored Andrew Jackson as a means to that end. Daniel B. Tompkins was nominated by the Democrats for Vice-President. The Federalists named Rufus King of New York, but in the election which followed he received but 24 out of 217 electoral votes. The Federalists divided their votes for VicePresident.

The Protective Tariff.

President Madison, in his message, had urged upon Congress a revision of the tariff, and pursuant to his recommendation what was at the time called a protective tariff was passed. Even Calhoun then supported it, while Clay proclaimed that protection must no longer be secondary to revenue, but of primary importance. The rates fixed, however, were insufficient, and Monroe was inaugurated on the 14th of many American manufactures were soon March, 1817, the oath being administered frustrated by excessive importations of for- by Chief Justice Marshall. The inaugural eign manufactures. The position of Cal-address was so liberal in its tone that it houn and Lowndes, well known leaders from South Carolina, is explained by the fact that just then the proposal of a protective tariff was popular in the south, in | view of the heavy duties upon raw cotton which England then imposed. The Federalists in weakness changed their old position when they found the Democrats advocating a tariff, and the latter quoted and published quite extensively Alexander Hamilton's early report in favor of it. Webster, in the House at the time and a leading Federalist, was against the bill. The parties had exchanged positions on the question.

seemed to give satisfaction to men of all shades of political opinion. The questions which had arisen during the war no longer had any practical significance, while the people were anxious to give the disturbing ones which ante-dated at least a season of rest. Two great and opposing policies had previously obtained, and singularly enough each seemed exactly adapted to the times when they were triumphant. The Federal power had been asserted in a government which had gathered renewed strength during what was under the circumstances a great and perilous war, and the exigencies of that war in many instances Peace brought with it another exchange compelled the Republicans or Democrats, of positions. President Madison, although or the Democratic-Republicans as some he had vetoed a bill to establish a National Bank in 1815, was now (in 1816) anxious for the establishment of such an institution. Clay had also changed his views, and claimed that the experiences of the war showed the necessity for a national currency. The bill met with strong opposition from a few Democrats and nearly all of the Federalists (the latter having changed position on the question since 1811), but it passed and was signed by the President.

A bill to promote internal improvements, advocated by Clay, was at first favored by Madison, but his mind changed and he vetoed the measure the first of its kind passed by Congress.

still called them, to concede points which had theretofore been in sharp dispute, and they did it with that facility which only Americans can command in emergencies: yet as a party they kept firm hold of the desire to enlarge the scope of liberty in its application to the citizens, and just here kept their original landmark.

"Era

It is not singular then that the administration of Monroe opened what has ever since been known in politics as the of Good Feeling." Party differences rapidly subsided, and political serenity was the order of the day. Monroe made a tour of the States, with the direct object of inspecting fortifications and means of de