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of government will be to shut out the black man from the ballotbox. But as freedom and arms are to be granted to him, there will be neither peace nor safety in the land until the right of suffrage is also granted to him.

I could not fail to see that, on the occasion referred to, I made myself quite offensive by calling in question the infallibility of the Government. My faithfulness to it was construed into unfaithfulness to it. My exception to a couple of its measures was scarcely distinguishable from the vulgar attacks upon it. But there should be great patience with the proyed friend of his Government when he finds fault with it. For, at the most, it is but misjudgments of which he is guilty. Moreover, his misjudgments may, after all, turn out to be sound judgments. Multitudes, once hostile to my life-long principles, I have lived to see become identified with them. And ere they are aware, those who dissent from my present positions, may have come round to them. By the way, the popular notion that our able and upright Administration is weakened by whatever criticisms upon its measures, is far from true. To such of these criticisms as are made in the spirit of candor and patriotism it is ever ready to listen, and, therefore, is it enlightened and strengthened by whatever of wisdom there may be in

The President, when admitting, in regard to some of his measures, that they are not final and unalterable, virtually invites his fellow-citizens to suggest changes in them. He was wrong in referring it to the Supreme Court instead of the Law of War to decide whether Proclamations, which he had issued as Head of the Army, and therefore under the Law of War, are valid or invalid :and let us be honest and courageous enough to say so. Again, he was wrong in holding that certain penalties, which we can inflict under the Law of War, must, of necessity, be reduced by the Constitution :--and at this point also let us deal faithfully with him.

Our Administration is indeed badly off, if, whilst on the one hand its enemies are assailing it for the purpose of destroying it, its friends, on the other, may not criticise it for the sake of help

One thing more. We should adjourn to the latest possible day all causes and occasions of division amongst ourselves. Divisions in the presence of our enemy, who is mighty because he is desperate, are dangerous to the last degree. Now, the tendency of naming persons for the Presidency is to produce these divisions. Hence, there should be no nominations of President before midsummer, by which time, the Rebellion being ended, such divisions would be harmless.

Party in time of Peace is right. But in time of War it is wrongin effect, treasonably wrong. I hoped that the Republicans had given up Party. But in the interview to which I referred at the beginning of this letter, I felt that perhaps they had not. With great regard, your friend,


ing it.

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