(which I do with "perfect respect ") that it will be necessary to procure very ample recommendations. For as the English have not yet pursued measures to discharge their own debt and raise the credit and value of their own paper circulation, but, on the contrary, are in a fair way to increase the one and absolutely destroy the other, you will instantly perceive that financiers from that nation would present themselves with the most awkward grace imaginable. You propose to us a device to "perpetuate our union." It might not be amiss previously to establish this union, which may be done by your acceptance of the treaty of peace and commerce tendered to you by Congress. And such treaty, I can venture to say, would continue as long as your ministers could prevail upon themselves not to violate the faith of nations.

You offer to use your language, the inaccuracy of which, considering the importance of the subject, is not to be wondered at, or at least may be excused "in short, to establish the powers of the respective Legislatures in each particular State, to settle its revenue, its civil and military establishment, and to exercise a perfect freedom of legislation and internal government, so that the British States throughout North America, acting with us in peace and war, under one common sovereign, may have the irrevocable enjoyment of every privilege that is short of a total separation of interests, or consistent with that total union of force on which the safety of our common religion and liberty depends." Let me assure you, gentlemen, that the power of the respective Legislatures in each particular State is most fully established, and on the most solid foundations. It is established on the perfect freedom of legislation and a vigorous administration of internal government. As to the settlement of the revenue and the civil and military establishment, these are the work of the day, for which the several Legislatures are fully competent. I have also the pleasure to congratulate your excellencies that the country for the settlement of whose government, revenue, administration, and the like, you have exposed yourselves to the fatigues and hazards of a disagreeable voyage and more disagreeable negotiation, hath abundant resources wherewith to defend her liberties now, and pour forth the rich stream of revenue hereafter. As the States of North America mean to possess the irrevocable enjoyment of their privileges, it is absolutely necessary for them to decline all connection with a Parliament who, even in the laws under which you act, reserve in express terms the power of revoking every proposition which you may agree to.

We have a due sense of the kind offer you make to grant us a share in your sovereign; but really, gentlemen, we have not the least inclination to accept of it. He may suit you extremely well, but he is not to our taste. You are solicitous to prevent a total separation of interests; and this, after all, seems to be the gist of the business. To make you as

easy as possible on this subject, I have to observe that it may, and probably will, in some instances, be our interest to assist you, and then we certainly shall. Where this is not the case, your excellencies have doubtless too much good sense as well as good nature to require it. We cannot perceive that our liberty does in the least depend upon any union of force with you; for we find that after you have exercised your force against us for upward of three years, we are now upon the point of establishing our liberties in direct opposition to it. Neither can we conceive that, after the experiment you have made, any nation in Europe will embark in so unpromising a scheme as the subjugation of America. It is not necessary that everybody should play the Quixote. One is enough to entertain a generation at least. Your excellencies will, I hope, excuse me when I differ from you as to our having a religion in common with you; the religion of America is the religion of all mankind. Any person may worship in the manner he thinks most agreeable to the Deity; and if he behaves as a good citizen, no one concerns himself as to his faith or adorations, neither have we the least solicitude to exalt any one sect or profession above another.

For your use I subjoin the following creed of every good American:I believe that in every kingdom, state, or empire there must be, from the necessity of the thing, one supreme legislative power, with authority to bind every part-in all cases the proper object of human laws. I believe that to be bound by laws to which he does not consent by himself, or by his representative, is the direct definition of a slave. I do therefore believe that a dependence on Great Britain, however the same may be limited or qualified, is utterly inconsistent with every idea of liberty, for the defence of which I have solemnly pledged my life and fortune to my countrymen; and this engagement I will sacredly adhere to so long as I shall live. Amen.

Now, if you will take the poor advice of one who is really a friend to England and Englishmen, and who hath even some Scotch blood in his veins,-away with your fleets and your armies, acknowledge the independence of America; and as ambassadors and not commissioners, solicit a treaty of peace, amity, commerce, and alliance with the rising States of this Western world. Your nation totters on the brink of a stupendous precipice, and even delay will ruin her.

You have told Congress, "If, after the time that may be necessary to consider this communication and transmit your answer, the horrors and devastations of war should continue, we call God and the world to witness that the evils which must follow are not to be imputed to Great Britain." I wish you had spared your protestation. Matters of this kind may appear to you in a trivial light, as mere ornamental flowers of rhetoric, but they are serious things registered in the high chancery of Heaven.

VOL. III.-7

Remember the awful abuse of words like those of General Burgoyne, and remember his fate. There is One above us who will take exemplary vengeance for every insult upon His majesty. You know that the cause of America is just. You know that she contends for that freedom to which all men are entitled,-that she contends against oppression, rapine, and more than savage barbarity. The blood of the innocent is upon your hands, and all the waters of the ocean will not wash it away. We again make our solemn appeal to the God of heaven to decide between you and us. And we pray that, in the doubtful scale of battle, we may be successful as we have justice on our side, and that the merciful Saviour of the world may forgive our oppressors. I am, my Lords and Gentlemen, the friend of human nature, and one who glories in the title of

AN AMERICAN.

James Rivington.

BORN in London, England, about 1724. DIED in New York, 1802.

A TORY'S PETITION TO THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS.

[From Sabine's American Loyalists. 1847.]

HEREAS the subscriber, by the freedom of his publications during the present unhappy disputes between Great Britain and her Colonies, has brought upon himself much public displeasure and resentment, in consequence of which his life has been endangered, his property invaded, and a regard to his personal safety requires him still to be absent from his family and business; and whereas, it has been ordered by the Committee of Correspondence for the city of New York, that a report of the state of his case should be made to the Continental Congress, that the manner of his future treatment may be submitted to their direction; he thinks himself happy in having at last for his judges, gentlemen of eminent rank and distinction in the Colonies, from whose enlarged and liberal sentiments, he flatters himself that he can receive no other than an equitable sentence, unbiased by popular clamor and resentment. He humbly presumes that the very respectable gentlemen of the Congress now sitting at Philadelphia, will permit him to declare, and, as a man of honor and veracity, he can and does solemnly declare, that however wrong and mistaken he may have been in his opinions, he has always meant honestly and openly to do his duty as a servant of the public. Accordingly his conduct, as a printer, has always been conformable to the ideas which he entertained of English liberty, warranted by the practice of all

printers in Great Britain and Ireland for a century past, under every administration; authorized, as he conceives, by the laws of England, and countenanced by the declaration of the late Congress. He declares that his press has been always open and free to all parties, and for the truth. of this fact, appeals to his publications, among which are to be reckoned all the pamphlets, and many of the best pieces, that have been written in this and the neighboring Colonies in favor of the American claims. However, having found that the inhabitants of the Colonies were not satisfied with this plan of conduct, a few weeks ago he published in his paper a short apology, in which he assured the public that he would be cautious for the future of giving any further offence. To this declaration he resolves to adhere, and he cannot but hope for the patronage of the public, so long as his conduct shall be found to correspond with it. It is his wish and ambition to be an useful member of society. Although an Englishman by birth, he is an American by choice, and he is desirous of devoting his life, in the business of his profession, to the service of the country he has adopted for his own. He lately employed no less than sixteen workmen, at near one thousand pounds annually; and his consumption of printing paper, the manufacture of Pennsylvania, New York, Connecticut, and the Massachusetts Bay, has amounted to nearly that sum. His extensive foreign correspondence, his large acquaintance in Europe and America and the manner of his education, are circumstances which, he conceives, have not improperly qualified him for the station in which he wishes to continue, and in which he will exert every endeavor to be useful. He therefore humbly submits his case to the honorable gentlemen now assembled in the Continental Congress and begs that their determination may be such as will secure him, especially as it is the only thing that can effectually secure him, in the safety of his person, the enjoyment of his property, and the uninterrupted prosecution of his business.

May 20, 1775.

JAMES RIVINGTON.

I

A RECKONING WITH ETHAN ALLEN.

[From Thomas's History of Printing in America. 1810.]

WAS sitting alone, after a good dinner, with a bottle of Madeira before me, when I heard an unusual noise in the street and a huzza from the boys. I was in the second story, and, stepping to the window, saw a tall figure in tarnished regimentals, with a large cocked hat and an enormous long sword, followed by a crowd of boys, who occasionally

cheered him with huzzas of which he seemed insensible. He came up to my door and stopped. I could see no more. My heart told me it was Ethan Allen. I shut my window and retired behind my table and my bottle. I was certain the hour of reckoning had come. There was

no retreat. Mr. Staples, my clerk, came in paler than ever, and, clasping his hands, said, "Master, he has come!" "I know it." "He entered the store and asked if James Rivington lived there. I answered 'Yes, sir.' 'Is he at home?' 'I will go and see, sir,' I said; and now, master, what is to be done! There he is in the store and the boys peeping at him from the street." I had made up my mind. I looked at the Madeira-possibly took a glass. "Show him up." said I, "and if such Madeira cannot mollify him he must be harder than adamant." There was a fearful moment of suspense. I heard him on the stairs, his long sword clanking at every step. In he stalked. "Is your name James Rivington?" "It is, sir, and no man could be more happy to see Colonel Ethan Allen.” "Sir, I have come-" "Not another word, my dear Colonel, until you have taken a seat and a glass of old Madeira." "But, sir, I don't think it proper-" "Not another word, Colonel; taste this wine, I have had it in glass for ten years; old wine, you know, unless it is originally sound, never improves by age." He took the glass, swallowed the wine, smacked his lips and shook his head approvingly. "Sir, I come " "Not another word until you have taken another glass, and then, my dear Colonel, we will talk of old affairs, and I have some queer events to detail." In short, we finished two bottles of Madeira and parted as good friends as if we had never had cause to be otherwise.

John Witherspoon.

BORN in Yester, near Edinburgh, Scotland, 1722. DIED near Princeton, N. J., 1794.

FROM HIS PARODY ON RIVINGTON'S PETITION.

[Works of the Rev. John Witherspoon. 1800.]

The humble representation and earnest supplication of J. Rseller in New York.

THAT

RESPECTFULLY SHEWETH:

printer and book

HAT a great part of the British forces has already left this city, and from many symptoms there is reason to suspect that the remainder will speedily follow them. Where they are gone or going, is perhaps known to themselves, perhaps not; certainly, however, it is unknown to us, the loyal inhabitants of the place, and other friends of government