ment of his message, he summoned them to his presence, .'Gentlemen, don't talk to me about slavery: you love it; I hate it. You mean it shall live: I mean it shall die.'

"Lincoln is ahead of any thing you have said. The State of Massachusetts is offering him to day millions. What he wants is an indorsement and an encouragement. What the Senate want is a policy pronounced by the people."

We have referred to the fact, that the rebels denounce Mr. Lincoln as a tyrant and usurper, while some loyal people regard him as altogether too lenient. That Mr. Lincoln has been kind, conciliatory, and forbearing, no sane man will deny. But, so far from reproaching his Administration, it is highly honorable to him and the nation. If he had manifested the same spirit of revenge and barbarism that has been exhibited by the enemy, this civil strife would have been divested of every feature of humanity and civilized warfare, and resulted in indiscriminate and savage butchery. Under his tolerant yet firm and resolute guidance, the Government stands forth to-day a model of national forbearance, to challenge the admiration of the world. To crush the Rebellion, and restore peace to our distracted land, with this tolerant spirit, will secure to us a better name and greater respect, when the war is over. When Saul hunted David with savage ferocity, the latter fled with his men to the Cave of Engedi for rest and safety. As he reposed in the rear of the dark recess, who should enter, one day, but Saul and his blood-thirsty warriors! Saul did not know that David was there, although he was pursuing him. What an exultant moment for David! Saul was now completely within his power. David could fall upon his foe, and speedily annihilate him; and his men thought it was a capital chance. They said, "Behold the day, of which the Lord said unto thee, Behold, I will

deliver thine enemy into thine hand, that thou mayest do to him as it shall seem good unto thee."

But David shrank from such a bloody slaughter. He simply advanced secretly, and cut off the skirt of Saul's robe, just to show him that he might have cut off his head as easily. Doubtless some of his soldiers called him a "fool" for sparing the enemy, who had occasioned him so much distress. But David acted his own lenient pleasure, and the world now calls him MAGNANIMOUS. His cause triumphed with all his forbearance, and the character of the leader appears more noble and attractive in consequence. In like manner, when this war is over, and the humane and forbearing policy of our President appears in contrast with the barbarity of the Rebel Government, every loyal citizen will proudly turn to this feature of his Administration, and call him MAGNANIMOUS.

Much has been said and written about the President's plan of reconstruction. It has been misunderstood, misrepresented, and vilified. His plan is simply this, and plain common sense anywhere can comprehend it. Believing that State governments only have been overthrown by the Rebellion, Mr. Lincoln proposes to reconstruct State governments alone. How? Just as it was done in Virginia in the early part of the war. Before his attention could be given to the subject particularly, Providence seems to have furnished a precedent in Western Virginia. The thing was done there, and worked well: why may it not be done elsewhere, successfully, by the people who are loyal to the Constitution and Government of the United States? The loyal people are the State, by the President's plan. The rebels do not take a state out of the Union, since the loyal people are the State: they only take them

selves out, and subvert the Government, leaving the loyal people to reconstruct the Government. The President's proclamation simply provides a method, by which all persons, who have incurred the penalties of treason, may return to their allegiance, with certain exceptions; and also a plan for establishing loyal State-governments, like that in Virginia, in all other States where the Rebellion has subverted the loyal governments. Is not this enough, and well? Does any one ask if this plan will destroy slavery? We reply by asking, How is it possible to save slavery by this plan? War has emancipated the slaves; and, before a rebel can be restored to his forfeited rights, he must swear to support the rights of all, which includes the rights of emancipated slaves. Gen. Grant has well said,

"The people of the North need not quarrel over the institution of slavery. What Vice-President Stephens acknowledges as the corner-stone of the Confederacy is already knocked out. Slavery is already dead, and cannot be resurrected. It would take a standing army to maintain slavery in the South, if we were to take possession to-day, guaranteeing to the South all their former constitutional privileges. I never was an abolitionist, not even what would be called antislavery: but I try to judge fairly and honestly; and it became patent to my mind, early in the Rebellion, that the North and South could never live at peace with each other, except as one nation, and that without slavery. As anxious as I am to see peace established, I would not, therefore, be willing to see any settlement until this question is for ever settled."

THE PEOPLE'S CHOICE.

It is not strange, then, that the loyal people demand that Mr. Lincoln should serve them another term in the Presidential chair. It would be a mark of base ingrati

tude if it were otherwise. Nay, more: it would prove that the people are insensible to their perils. For to change our President in the face of the enemy would be as suicidal as to change a competent general on the eve of battle. A veteran soldier roughly replied to the interrogative, whether the soldiers desired the re-election of Mr. Lincoln, "Why, of course they do. We have all reenlisted to see this thing through, and old Abe must re-enlist too. He mustered us in, and must stay where he is until he has mustered us out. We'll never give it up until every rebel acknowledges that he is the constitutional President. When they got beat at the election, they kicked out of the traces, and declared that they would not submit to a black Republican President; but they must. We will show them that elections in this country have got to stand. Old Abe must stay in the White House until every rebel climbs down, and agrees to behave himself, and obey the laws of his country. There mustn't be any fooling in this thing; for I wouldn't give a copper for this country if the beaten side has a right to bolt after an election: it wouldn't be fit to live in."

There is more truth than elegance in the soldier's words. His philosophy is good, and loyal men should adopt it. But one sentiment pervades the entire army; and that is, "Abraham Lincoln must serve another term." Gen. Neal Dow, who was released from Libby Prison a few months since, said in a speech at Portland,

"At present, the rebels are looking anxiously at movements in the North in relation to the next Presidential election. Their hope is, that some other man than Mr. Lincoln may be nominated and elected to the Presidency. The election of any other person they will regard as a sure indication that the loyal North tires of

the war, and means to change its policy in relation to it. The leaders of the Rebellion have now no other hope of success than this; and their hope is, that those may come into power who will say to them, 'Erring sisters, depart in peace!' The officers in Libby Prison, who had abundant opportunities to see the feeling of the rebels on this subject, were anxious that the loyal men of the North should perceive the danger of lending any encouragment to it. No man has a greater respect than myself for Mr. Chase and Mr. Frémont, nor a more entire conviction of their loyalty, and their ability to conduct the affairs of the country with honor to themselves, and to the advantage of the nation; but, for this time, I should regard the nomination of any other person than Mr. Lincoln as a public misfortune."

The wisdom and safety of taking one whom the country has tried in the most perilous times, and who "knows the ropes," instead of electing a new and untried man, must be apparent to every reflecting citizen.

Mr. Lincoln is qualified to do even better another presidential term than he has done this: he has now that best of all qualifications, EXPERIENCE. He has become ac

quainted with the machine, and knows how to run it.

It would be as dishonorable as dangerous for the nation to shut its eyes to Mr. Lincoln's claims to re-election, claims not based on any thing due him, but due ourselves. Wendell Phillips, in a speech delivered since the Proclamation of Emancipation was issued, says,

"I, for one, have no objection to the Presidency of Abraham Lincoln for four or eight years longer. I told the President himself,

and I believed it then, and I believe it now; I meant it then, and I mean it now,- that the man who would honestly put his hand to the plough of that proclamation, and execute it, this people would not allow to quit while the experiment was trying. Whoever starts the great experiment of emancipation, and honestly devotes his energies to making it a fact, deserves to hold the helm of government till that experiment is finished."