tracted stay in the countries he then visited, and to examine more thoroughly into the condition of their inhabitants and the working of their governments; and also to extend his journey intó Asia and Africa.

He accordingly sailed from New York on the 7th of May, in the steamship Ariel. His departure was, unexpectedly to him, made a public event. He was waited upon at the Astor House by the two republican central committees, and, after a brief interchange of compliments, the committees, with their guest, proceeded in carriages to Castle Garden, where they were received by several hundred republicans, and escorted on board the steamer which was waiting to convey the party down the bay. A salute was fired, and the band played "Hail to the Chief," while the boat left the wharf, amid hearty cheers from men on board and on shore.

On parting with his company at the Narrows, Mr. Seward addressed them as follows:

"GENTLEMEN: It would of course be impossible for me to persuade you that anybody could be insensible to the manifestations of such hospitality as I am receiving at your hands. I will, with your leave, however, undertake to interpret it, leaving out all its political bearings and relations, and will regard you, not as politicians, not as republicans, but as fellow citizens and as friends who, against my will, followed me to the house of my friends, where I was entertained, took me up at the door of my hotel, unwilling to leave me alone in your city, and who will not part from me now until you separate from me at the gates of the ocean. Gentlemen, the sky is bright, the sun is auspicious; all the indications promise a pleasant and prosperous voyage, and it will depend upon my own temper whether out of it I am able or not to make the material for which I go abroad-the knowledge derived from the sufferings and strivings of humanity in foreign countries--to teach me how to improve and elevate the condition of my own countrymen. I will only say, gentlemen, in expressing my thanks to you, now that we are at the point of separation, that I trust it may be my good fortune to return among you, and resume the duties now temporarily suspended, in the great cause of freedom and humanity. But no one knows the casualties of life; and two voyages separate me from you. What may happen in that space and time, no one but a beneficent Providence knows. If it is my lot not to return among you, I trust I shall be remembered as one who accomplished in his own life the laudable ends of an honorable ambition, and died far away from his native land-without an enemy to be recalled and without a regretful remembrance, and with a conviction that he had tried to deserve the good opinion which his friends entertained of him. Fellow citizens, friends, I am entirely taken by surprise by these manifestations of your good will and attention. I have not taxed myself to consider whether there can be anything in what I have done to deserve it. I had hoped, as I had

thought, that I could pass out of the country in silence, to seek strength, health, vigor and knowledge in foreign lands, unattended, unnoticed, if not unknown. I need not say it is a pleasant surprise. But as we near the place where we must part, sad thoughts, rather than exciting ones, enter into my mind. You will excuse me, therefore, if I turn aside altogether from political questions and considerations, which it is my duty to forego, and follow the scenes which it is my object to study and contemplate. I do so the more readily, because I know that at last the great questions of justice and humanity before the American people are destined to be decided, and that they may be safely left to your hands, even if the instructor never returns. If Providence restores me with health and vigor, it shall be devoted to the establishment and supremacy of the same principles. But we do not know the casualties which await us. We do know only that our welfare is the object of the care of a beneficent Providence. And we do know, too, that a life which has been devoted to humanity, and has endeavored to avoid doing injustice to mankind, is a life which can leave no other than a harmless, if not a satisfactory reputation. Such, if I know my own heart, I hope will be the reputation which I shall leave And now, kindest of friends, whose liberality, courtesy, and attention have attended my passage from my country to the very gates of the ocean, farewell. God be with you."

The closing sentences were uttered with much emotion.

Mr. Seward remained abroad about eight months. During this time he traversed no small portions of Europe, Africa and Asia, visiting Egypt and the Holy Land. Probably no other American was ever received, wherever he went, so cordially and with such distinguished respect. The monarchs and ruling classes of Europe spontaneously offered him all the opportunities he could desire for improving the great object of his journey, and such as are only extended to recognized statesmen of the world. He enjoyed, no less, the company and respect of Kossuth, Lamartine, Mrs. Martineau, Mackay, and other friends of liberty in England and on the continent.

Mr. Seward's return to his native land, on the 29th of December, 1859, was signalized by public demonstrations and rejoicing. At New York, the common council tendered him the civilities of the city, and made arrangements for his public reception. On his arri val in the city, the mayor waited upon him and accompanied him to the City Hall, where a dense crowd of people were waiting to receive him. In response to Mayor Tiemann's address, Mr. Seward spoke as follows:

"MR. MAYOR, GENTLEMEN OF THE COMMON COUNCIL, and Fellow CITIZENS: I do not mean to yield to the impulses of feeling on this occasion, although I can scarcely conceive what would be more flattering to me than this reception in the VOL. IV.

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metropolis of my native country, and under the auspices of the municipal authorities of this flourishing city. Nevertheless, I answer that my seeming indifference to the cordial welcome would argue me guilty, not merely of caprice in regard to my fellow citizens, but of ingratitude to the Divine Being whose goodness has permitted me again to enter the circle of true patriots and of endeared and lifetried friends.

"In the eastern regions, from which we have derived the revelations of divine truth, a paralysis rests upon society, which leaves little else to be noted than those monuments of Christian faith which none can study without grateful emotions. I have been able on many occasions to compare the existing condition of society in Europe with what existed there twenty-five years ago, when I had the fortune to visit the eastern continent.

"I think that I can safely say that society-all the nations-on that continent are more prosperous now than they have ever been before, and are making decided progress in all substantial improvements. But it is manifest that the institutions of government existing there are either too ancient, or were founded on ancient principles, and are not adapted to the exigencies of the present day.

"Therefore it is that every country in Europe is balancing between the desire for beneficial changes and the fear of innovation. Our own system, constructed later and under better and happier auspices, alone seems to afford its citizens freedom from such difficulties and such apprehensions.

"It must always be difficult to determine how far we can lend encouragement to those who seek to reform the institutions of their own country, even when there is hope of benefit to them as a people. But this we can always do: we can conduct our internal affairs and our foreign relations with truth, candor, justice and moderation, and thus commend our better system to other nations. This republic may prove to them that its system of government is founded upon public virtue, that as a people we are at unity among ourselves, and that we are seeking only by lawful means to promote the welfare of mankind."

Addressing the committees and the citizens generally, in reply to an address by Judge Peabody on their behalf, he said:

"My memory gives back the recollections of May last, when you accompanied me to the steamer on the occasion of my departure abroad. I know not how much I am indebted to that manifestation of cordiality for the friendly reception which met me in all the countries which I visited, which was so grateful to my feelings. But no day was so pleasant to me as the one which brought me to my native country

"In the Old World I saw much to admire, much to appreciate; but not so much as there is to admire in the prosperity of my native land. I had visited England a quarter of a century ago. I was asked on this visit whether I had seen signs of change and improvement. To this I replied that I had; and was asked whether there had not been changes and improvements in my own country. I replied, with pride, 'Yes.' Twenty-six years ago, I left London built of stone, and New York was built of brick. Now, London and Paris are indeed both of stone-New York of marble."

His route home was a triumphal procession. At every place on the way, from New York to Auburn, bonfires, cannon, and speeches awaited his arrival. His reception in Auburn was such as could have been prepared and given only by sincere and devoted friends to a loved fellow citizen and cherished benefactor. The railroad depot and the streets of the city through which he passed, were thronged with people. The military, the city officials, and the children of the public schools, bearing banners-"Welcome to Senator Seward "_ accompanied him to his house.

At the gates of his residence, he met the clergymen of every denomination in the town, waiting to take him by the hand and welcome him home. Mr. Seward, it was observed, was more deeply affected by this scene than any through which he had passed. He was able to return their hearty greeting only in silence, as he passed through the line they had formed, into his house.

His reply to an address made to him by Michael S. Myers, Esq., on behalf of the people, at the railroad depot, was a spontaneous and familiar talk with his friends.

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"It is true," he said, as you have reminded me, that I have reached another stage in a journey that has occupied eight months of time and covered ten thousand miles of space--the last stage—a stage beyond which I can go no further. Although in this journey I have traversed no small portions of four continentsEurope, Africa, Asia and America-it is not until now, that I have found the place which, above all others, I admire the most and love the best. This place, this very spot on which you stand, and I stand among you, is indeed the one point on the globe, which, wherever else I may be, draws me back by an irresistible spell; the place where, when I rest, I must dwell—the only place where I can be content to live, and content, when life's fitful fever shall be over, to die.

"It is the spot cherished in my affections above and beyond all others—above and beyond the spot where I was born-above and beyond the scenes in which I was educated-adorned and marked as those localities of my early life are, by mountain and river, by blue skies and genial climes—it is a spot cherished by me above and beyond the scenes of any severe labor-of any arduous achievementand if I may use the expression without offense, of any personal successes. I love it more than the capital of my native state, although in that capital I have borne the baton of civil authority, confided to me by three millions of a free, brave and enlightened people. I love it more than even the senate chamber of the great confederate Republic of which we are all citizens-although in that senate chamber I am authorized with one other representative to pronounce the will of the leading member of that confederacy. I should not despair of vindicating this preference by comparing the natural advantages, and the social development of

the valley of the Owasco, with those of any other place you or I have ever known. Lakes, meadows, waterfalls, fields, forests are here, which are nowhere surpassed; and comfort, ease, intelligence, enterprise and morals, that may justly challenge comparison in any part of the globe.

"But I will be candid, and confess that my partiality stands upon a simpler and more natural logic. I prefer this place because it is my place. You may as well be candid, also, and confess that you like it best, because it is your place. It is true, my excellent friends, that persons abroad who do not know this attractive spot so familiarly as we do, criticise it sometimes with severity. They point to those dark, massive prison walls, which are just before me, and tell us that they mar the beauty and detract from the graces of our city. But you and I never see those walls, or, if we do, they appear to us only as the boundaries of a field of active labor, productive industry, and benevolent instruction. So, sometimes these distant critics are pleased to say that they think that I, who now stand before you, am not an object worthy of any such consideration as you are now bestowing on me, and you, I am sorry to say, do not seem to be much affected by that objection.

"I prefer this place, because it is the only one where I am left free to act in an individual and not in a representative and public character. Whatever I may be elsewhere, here I am never either a magistrate or a legislator, but simply a citizen —a man—your equal and your like-nothing more, nor less, nor different."

During Mr. Seward's absence (on the 16th of October, 1859), Captain John Brown with twenty-one men, armed with muskets and pikes, invaded the state of Virginia and took possession of the town of Harper's Ferry. Their avowed object was to liberate the slaves of Virginia. After getting control of the railroad passing through the town, and of the United States armory established there, Brown was compelled to surrender to a detachment of United States marines, with a loss of thirteen of his men. He and six others were captured, severely wounded and forthwith tried and executed for murder and treason.

This strange event caused a deep excitement throughout the country. The enemies of Mr. Seward and of the republican party endeavored to make him and the party responsible for the acts of Captain Brown. But the attempt most signally failed.

Immediately, on the assembling of Congress, Mr. Mason, of Virginia, in the senate, moved for a committee, with almost unlimited authority and power, to investigate the whole transaction. After a protracted examination of numerous witnesses, the committee, con sisting of Senators Mason, Fitch, Jefferson Davis, Doolittle and Collamer, made a report absolving all persons, except Brown and