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its battles against invading hosts of Abolitionists,
“Southern independence.” If the masses of and to spare the lives of its own citizens, let the the Confederate States were thus detived Confederacy employ a few agents in New York and much was due to their willingness to be mis other cities of the North, and it will soon have as informed; but, the greatest shar, of crime many troops as it requires. There is not an unem- which flowed from a conflict with the Fedeployed Irishman who would not gladly enlist in the ral Government may, with propriety, be cause, and there are thousands of native Democrats charged upon a press suborned to treason eager for the same service. And, should the Lin- and ambition. A free press and free schools coln Administration proceed to make war upon
are said to be the bulwarks of free instituyour commerce, you can find at the North any number of ships and men ready for letters of marque orned press and restricted system of education
tions. The converse is equally true :--a subfrom the Southern Confederacy." There is not, to use an Irish license of
are instruments of tyranny. That the South
ern States have been the victims of such a phraseology, a statement of fact here which is not a falsehood. It was simply conceived tyranny, to a deplorable degree, history will in the same spirit of baseness and treachery
be compelled to chronicle. which seemed to underlie the entire fabric of
THE SEORET HOPE IN THE SOUTH FOR PEACE. GOV. PICKENS
MESSAGE OF CONGRATULATION. CONFIDENCE IN A PEACEFUL ISSUE. ALEXANDER I. S TEPI ENB! APOSTOL ATE. HIS “ EX POSITION" Or THE ORGANIC LA W OF THE NEW SLAVE CONFEDERACY.
Con Idence in Peace.
Governor Pickens' Mes
That the revolution | upon the proper parties—the few men of the was considered an Confederate Government who usurped the
complished fact, as early prerogatives of princes, in their direction of as April 1st, is evident not more from the affairs. legislation of the Confederate Congress and Governor Pickens, unthe acts of State Legislatures than in the der date of March 28th,
sage of Congratulation. communications which passed between the communicated a message leaders of the secession movement. The idea to the State Convention of South Carolina, of any prolonged resistance, on the part of the in response to the resolution adopted by the Federal Government, to the scheme for a Confederate Congress, February eth, viz. : Southern Confederacy, was not entertained. “ Resolved, That this Government takes under its It was thought belligerent action might re
charge the questions and difficulties now existing be. sult in the case of Sumter, and grow out of
tween several States of this Confederacy and the the effort to repress the secession of Mary- Government of the United States, relating to the land; but, we believe that most of the better occupation of forts, arsenals, navy-yards, and other
public establishments, and that the President of classes in the South, and most of their lead
the Congress be directed to communicate this re. ing men, did not, in their private judgments, solution to the Governors of the States." either expect or desire a state of actual war The Governor stated that, on the 1st of between the two sections of the country. March, the Secretary of War of the ConfedThis is an important point to establish, since eracy wrote him as follows:-“ Under this act it serves to fix the hostilities which followed ! the President directs me to inform you, that
GOV. PICKENS' MESSAGE
he assumes control of all the ambition with fanaticism, they Governor Pickens' Message. military operations of your attempted to organize the
Message. State, having reference to, great masses of the people so or connected with, questions between, your
as to act together in a consolidated majority, and State and powers foreign to it. He also di- administer the common Government without regard
to the sacred guarantees by which the local rights and rects me to request you to communicate to
interests of separate cominunities should be prethe Department without delay, the quantity served under the absolute control of their separate and character of arms and munitions of war Governments. This, of course, reversed the whole which have been acquired from the United philosophy of our peculiar system, and if permitted States, and which are now in the forts, arse- to become successful, would have given us no adnals, and navy-yards of your State, and all vance over the European system of Government. other arms and munitions which your State In fact, it would have placed us behind them in may desire to turn over and make charge progress, for many of their most enlightened and able to this Government.”
powerful Governments asserted the doctrine, and The Governor complied with the resolu- acted upon it, that Governments and dynasties can
be changed by Popular Sovereignty, expressed tion and requisitions, and stated the facts through universal suffrage, in independent commurelating to the matter in the Message. He nities; and they avow this as a substitute for the then proceeded to add his congratulations old theory of divine and hereditary right. over the success of the revolution, in the fol- “ Under our old articles of Confederation the lowing interesting terms:
Government had failed, and the Constitution of the "I herewith transmit the ordinances and reso. United States grew out of the force of circumlutions of the different States that have seceded, stances, and was adopted in order to secure, at and would call attention to the obvious propriety, that period, a more perfect union to enable us to of providing for them, together with our own ordi- resist foreign aggression. We have outgrown that nance on the same subject, some suitable place of state of things, and the danger lately was not from safe deposit. They are the simple, but authentic foreign aggression, but from internal corruption, records of events well calculated to produce a pro- and from an assumption in parts and majorities of found impression upon the future destiny of our absolute Governments over other parts, without country.
reference to the limitations and reservations of the "Heretofore in the history of the world, the compact. Thus, that Constitution ran its career, great struggle has been to secure the personal and fulfilled its destiny, under the perverted and rights of individuals. In former times the power vitiated idea that we were a consolidated people. of government absorbed all individual or personal Under prejudices fostered by designing men, and rights of citizens. But our English ancestors, by under the worst passions inflamed by bad men, an their sturdy virtues, engrafted, at different periods, absolute majority was created, who assumed that soch grants and restrictions upon the British Con- their will must necessarily be the Government, institution as effectually secured personal rights, and stead of the fixed principles of the Constitution, as far as that branch of liberty is involved, they which were intended to guard the local rights and made it as perfect as any other country.
interests of the separate and independent commuTo secure the political rights of separate and nities which composed the Confederacy of States. independent communities, required a higher and
“ Our State, true to the great principles upon broader range of political experience. The guar.
which the Confederacy was formed, and true to antees for personal rights in England was a great those great and progressive ideas which were so advance over the old feudal system of Europe ; and identified with American Independence, was forced it was then left to the separate States of America
to resume her original powers of Government; and to develop a higher experience over a larger ex.
if she succeeds in engrafting the fundamental right tent of territory, in those guarantees necessary to of a separate and independent State to withdraw secure the local rights of separate independent from any Confederacy that may be formed, whencommunities, united under one common govern
ever her people, in sovereign Convention assem
bled, shall so decide, then she will have made “The old Constitution was intended to effect this another advance in the science of Government, and advance in the science of Government, and if it had added another guaranty to the great principle of been properly administered, would have continued civil liberty. And if this principle could be seto develop the mighty resources and power of a
cured without an appeal to arms and blood, it wonderful people. But, under the combination of
would show that the country has progressed in cipe
ilization and intelligence, so show indifference to any of the great, complicated Message.
far as to be able to settle all interests and relations with which she was sur.
controversies and issues in-rounded. volving political rights, by an appeal to reason, in- “When your illustrious body adjourned, you saw terest, to free discussion, to Conventions, to trea- the State standing alone, surrounded with peril, and ties and covenants, rather than by an appeal to clouds resting upon the future. Under the kind brutal force.
dispensations of a superintending Providence, I am " True, we have encountered misrepresentation now able to present her to you under a brighter and abuse, and for a people so small in numbers as day, surrounded by other States rich in their rewe are to make such an issue as we did, was full sources, with their brave and patriotic sons standing of danger and difficulty.
as a guard in the portals of a new Temple, reared “But no people are fit to be free, unless they by our common counsels, and dedicated to the sepaare able to treat denunciation with indifference, and rate sovereignty of free and independent States. to meet danger with fortitude.
“F. W. PICKENS." “From peculiar circumstances, South Carolina
This Message, while it gives us an interwas called on to take the first step in this march to esting view of the Southern view of the reindependence. She had to encounter the first shock volution, also proves that its author, one of in the bitterness and fierce passions of our oppo- the most outwardly belligerent of Secessionnents. Those who had mastered the power of the Government, and were fondly gazing on the rich ists, really regarded the state of peace as asand ripe fruit supposed to be just within their
sured. The same assurance was extended to
grasp naturally felt exasperated in disappointment, caused the people by the Montgomery Congress in its by this State interposing to arrest them in their appointment of Commissioners to Washing. lawless career of mad ambition and wild fanaticism. ton, to negotiate for the amicable settlement For a period we were surrounded with great difficul- of all old relations, and the friendly arrangeties, and threatened with danger that appeared imi- ment of new relations between the two Govminent.
ernments. (See their communication to the “ As far as the Executive is concerned, I always Secretary of State, pages 16–17, Vol. II.] considered that the peculiar mission of this State
It is not necessary to rewas, by a firm and temperate course, to lay the mark upon the singular The Desire for Peace. foundation of the Confederacy of States, homoge.
presumption on which this neous in feeling and interest, with such institutions and domestic civilization as would unite them in confidence in “ peace and good will” rested: one common destiny, with a government devoted the “ Memorandum" of Mr. Seward (see pages to their peace and safety, and with no interest to 17-18,) will answer on this point; but, that the produce the slightest aggression upon other poople; intelligent people of the South not only but deeply interested to develop those productions hoped for peace but also deprecated a state that are so largely demanded in the peaceful pur- of war, we assume to be conclusive, despite suits of mankind, and entering so largely into the the offensive attitude of affairs. The fact of comforts and progressive civilization of the world.
men being in arms—of the investment of “When this State first withdrew from the Fede. Forts Pickens and Sumter-of the thorough ral Union, I felt that we bore, on one side, critical military organization of States, were the outrelations to the Confederacy we had left, and also ward means to intimidate the North-to very delicate and peculiar relations to those Slave States which constituted the border of the Southern the Southerners were necessary to give the
conquer a peace;" and, in the opinion of States; and we had still higher and more sacred duties and relations toward our sister States of the appearance of power to the new Government, South, who were expected nobly to come to our
But, the better class of citizens, even where side in the formation of a new Confederacy.
they had espoused the cause of secession,
shrunk from the terrors and disabilities of “ All these relations made our course quite complicated, and full of deep obligations. In adminis. actual war as too fearful a price for the mere tering the duties of the Executive office, I can truly change of their national capital from Washsay that I never for one moment lost sight of the ington to Montgomery; and, if the forces relations our State bore to all, and it has ever been called into the field were ever used to premy endeavor, while sustaining her separate rights cipitate the conflict, the people were power. and independence, never to do anything that might / less before the Star Chamber tyranny of the
MR. STEPHENS' APOSTOLATE.
forty men who, exalted to power without the Slave-owner, must be constrained not only to popular voice, legislated and decreed without embark in the cause, but to give it, also, their awaiting for the popular assent.
cordial support, both moral and niaterial. The speech made by To secure that support Mr. Stephens made Mr. Stephens' Apos- Alexander H. Stephens— his exposition; and it is not hazarding much
Vice-President (by election to say that that exposition did more to consoliof the “Congress” at Montgomery) of the date Southern sentiment, more to prepare the Confederate Government-March 21st, at Southern mind for even a fanatical adherence Savannah, Georgia, has been referred to as em- to the Davis Administration, than all other bodying the ideas upon which the new order influences combined. Hence the speaker's of things was founded (see Vol. I., pgs 30-31.] words assume an historical significance, and The quotation there given was an exposition, we lay before the reader such portions of the more particularly, of the Slave-element enter-“exposition" as seem to have been instruing into, and characterizing, the Confederate mental in centralizing sympathy for, and conorganic law. That section of the speech re-fidence in, the policy of resistance to all atlating to the ability of the new Government tempts upon the independence of the Con. to maintain its independence, deserves con- federate States. He said: sideration here, as it was this speaker's
“We are passing through "glittering generalities” which reconciled
Mr. Stephens' Expo
one of the greatest revoluthe intelligence of the South to the alarums
tions in the annals of the of war which followed. Having been a
world. Seven States have, within the last three strong Union man up to the moment of the months, thrown off an old Government, and formed passage, by the Georgia Convention, of its a new. This revolution has been signally marked, Ordinance of Secession, Mr. Stephens was re- up to this time, by the fact of its having been acgarded as a safe and conservative counsellor; complished without the loss of a single drop of and his views, set forth on the occasion re
blood. This new Constitution, or form of Governferred to, prevailed to rally around the ment, constitutes the subject to which your attenAdministration of Jefferson Davis the con
tion will be partly invited. servatism and intelligence of the Seceded
“ In reference to it, I make this first general reStates. Prior to that date (March 21st,) it is mark: it amply secures all our ancient rights, believed the new dynasty did not have the franchises, and privileges. All the great principles
of Magna Charta are retained in it. No citizen is confidence nor the sympathy of the well
deprived of life, liberty, or property, but by the informed and wealthier classes, to any great judgment of his peers, under the laws of the land. degree.
The great principle of religious liberty, which That it had their acquiescence is true, was the honor and pride of the old Constitution, is if silence gave consent; but, the ruling forty still maintained and secured. All the essentials knew too well the danger of carrying forward of the old Constitution, which have endeared it to their Government without the friendship and the hearts of the American people, have been prehearty co-operation of the best citizens. The served and perpetuated. Some changes have been turbulent and illy-informed of the population, made—of these I shall speak presently. Some of would do for voters and soldiers—would ad- these I should have preferred not to have seen
made ; but these, perhaps, meet the cordial appromirably answer the purposes of machinators against liberty, and the ancient order of bation of a majority, of this audience, if not an
overwhelming majority of the people of the Conthings; but that population-composed federacy. Of them, therefore, I will not speak. largely of “poor white trash,” of pennyless But, other important changes do meet my cordial politicians, of bankrupt spendthrifts, of approbation. They form great improvements upon gamblers and adventurers—was an element the old Constitution. So, taking the whole new of danger as well as of strength, and could Constitution, I have no hesitancy in giving it as my be made to yield very little to the tax- judgment, that it is decidedly better than the old. gatherer and the tribute-taker. The planter, Allow me briefly to allude to some of these im. the banker, the merchant, the real-estate provements.” operator, the steamboat proprietor, the He then recurred to the Tariff; to the fea
ture of the Constitution* | pire. France, in round numMr. Stephens' Expo
Mr. Stephens’ Expo giving Cabinet Ministers bers, has but 212,000 square
and Heads of Departments miles. Austria, in round numthe privilege of seats on the floors of Con bers, has 248,000 square miles. Ours is greater than gress; to the tenure of the Presidential term of both combined. It is greater than all France, Spain, office; and followed with his allusions to the Portugal, and Great Britain, including England, Ire
land, and Scotland, together. Slave-feature as incorporated in the Constitu- have upward of five millions-according to the cen
In population we tion, pronouncing the sentiment that freedom
sus of 1860; this includes white and black. The to the negro was a wrong—that the social fa- entire population, including white and black, of the bric of the States was founded upon Slavery original thirteen States, was less than 4.000,000 in -that Slavery was the corner-stone of the 1790, and still less in '76, when the independence new edifice. [See pages 30-31, Vol. I., for of our fathers was achieved. If they, with a less his words on this point.] He continued :- population, dared maintain their independence
“I have been asked, what of the future? It has against the greatest power on earth, shall we have been apprehended by some that we would have ar- any apprehension of maintaining ours now? rayed against us the civilized world. I care not “ In point of material wealth and resources, we who or how many they may be, when we stand upon
are greatly in advance of them. The taxable the eternal principles of truth, we are obliged and property of the Confederate States cannot be less must triumph.
than $22,000,000,000. This, I think I venture but “Thousands of people, who begin to understand little in saying, may be considered as five times these truths, are not yet completely out of the shell;
more than the Colonies possessed at the time they they do not see them in their length and breadth. achieved their independence. Georgia alone pos. We hear much of the civilization and Christianiza- sessed, last year, according to the report of the tion of the barbarous tribes of Africa. In my judg. Comptroller-General, $672,000,000 of taxable proment those ends will never be attained, but by first perty. The debts of the seven Confederate States teaching them the lesson taught to Adam, that in sum up, in the aggregate, less than $18,000,000; the sweat of thy brow shalt thou eat bread,' and while the existing debts of the other of the late teaching them to work, and feed and clothe them- United States sum up, in the aggregate, the enorselves.
mous amount of $174,000,000. This is without “But, to pass on. Some have propounded the taking into account the heavy city, corporation, inquiry : Whether it is practicable for us to go on
and railroad debts, which press, and will continue with the Confederacy, without further accessions.
to press, a heavy incubus upon the resources of Have we the means and ability to maintain nation
those States. These debts, added to others, make ality among the powers of earth? On this point I a sum total not much under $500,000,000. With would barely say, that as anxious as we all have such an area of territory-with such an amount been, and are, for the Border States, with institu- of population-with a climate and soil unsurpassed tions similar with ours, to join us, still, we are abun. | by any on the face of the earth-with such redantly able to maintain our position, even if they sources already at our command-with productions should ultimately make up their minds not to cast
which control the commerce of the world-who their destiny with ours. That they ultimately will can entertain any apprehensions as to our success, join us, be compelled to do it, is my confident belief; whether others join us or not? but, we can get on very well without them, even if “I believe I state but the common sentiment, they should not.
when I declare my earnest desire that the Border “We have all the essential elements of a high na
States should join us. The difference of opinion tional career. The idea has been given out at the
that existed among us anterior to secession, related North, and even in the Border States, that we are more to the policy in securing that result by cotoo small and too weak to maintain a separate nation operation, than from any difference upon the ultiality. This is a great mistake. In extent of terri- mate security we all looked to in common. These tory we embrace 560,000 square miles and upward. differences of opinion were more in reference to This is upward of 200,000 square miles more than policy than principle; and, as Mr. Jefferson said in was included within the limits of the original thir. his Inaugural, in 1801, after the heated contest pre. teen States. It is an area of country more than ceding his election, there might be differences in double the territory of France or the Austrian em- opinion without differences on principle,' and that
• all, to some extent, had been Federalists, and all * For the Constitution, at length, see Appendix, Republicans ;' so it may now be said of us, that, Vol. I, pages 513–20.
whatever differences of opinion as to the best policy