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The President's Mes

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THE PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE.

allusion to the creditable degree of discipline already attained by our troops, and to the excellent sanitary condition of the entire army. The recommendation of the Secretary for an organization of the militia upon a uniform basis is a subject of vital importance to the future safety of the country, and is commended to the serious attention of Congress. The large addition to the regular army, in connection with the defection that has so considerably diminished the number of its officers, gives peculiar importance to his recommendation for increasing the corps of Cadets to the greatest capacity of the Military Academy.

"The Report of the Secretary of the Navy presents in detail the operations of that branch of the service, the activity nnd energy which have characterized its administration, and the results of measures to increase its efficiency and power. Such have been the additions, by construction and purchase, that it may almost be said a Navy has been created and brought into service since our difficulties commenced. Beside blockading our extensive coast, squadrons, larger than ever before assembled under our flag, have been put afloat, and performed deeds which have increased our naval renown.

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The President's Mes sage.

to do it, not because I had any doubt that the end proposed, the collection of the debts, was just and right in itself, but because I have been unwilling to go beyond the pressure of necessity in the unusual exercise of power. But the powers of Congress, I suppose, are equal to the anomalous occasion; and therefore I refer the whole matter to Congress, with the hope that a plan may be devised for the administration of justice in all such parts of the insurgent States and Territories as may be under the control of this Government, whether by a voluntary return to allegiance and order, or by the power of our arms; this, however, not to be a permanent institution, but a temporary substitute, and to cease as soon as the ordinary courts can be reestablished in peace.

"It is important that some more convenient means should be provided, if possible, for the adjustment of claims against the Government, especially in view of their increased number by reason of the war, It is as much the duty of the Government to render prompt justice against itself in favor of citizens, as it is to administer the same between private individuals.

"I ask attention to the report of the Postmaster General, the following being a summary statement of the condition of the Department:

"The revenue from all sources during the fiscal year, ending June 30, 1861, including the annual permanent appropriation of $700,000 for the trans

"I would invite special attention to the recommendation of the Secretary for a more perfect organization of the Navy, by introducing additional grades in the service. The present organization is defective and unsatisfactory, and the suggestions submitted by the Department will, it is believed, if adopt-portation of free mail matter, was $9,049,296.40, ed, obviate the difficulties alluded to, promote the harmony and increase the efficiency of the Navy.

"One of the unavoidable consequences of the present insurrection is the entire suppression in many places of all ordinary means of administering civil justice by the officers and in the forms of existing law. This is the case in whole or in part in all the insurgent States, and as our armies advance upon and take possession of parts of those States, the practical evil becomes more apparent. There are no courts nor officers to whom the citizens of other States may apply for the enforcement of their lawful claims against citizens of the insurgent States, and there is a vast amount of debt constituting such claims. Some have estimated it as high as $200,000,000, due in large part from insurgents, in open rebellion, to loyal citizens, who are even now making great sacrifices in the discharge of their patriotic duty to support the Government. Under these circumstances I have been urgently solicited to establish by military power courts to administer summary justice in such cases. I have thus far declined

being about two per cent. less than the revenue for 1860. The expenditures were $13,606,759.11, showing a decrease of more than eight per cent. as compared with those of the previous year, and leaving an excess of expenditures over the revenue for the last fiscal year of over $4,557,462.71. The gross revenue for the year ending June 30, 1863, is estimated at an increase of four per cent. on that of 1861, making $8,683,000, to which should be added the earnings of the department carrying free matter, viz: $700,000, making $9,383,000. The total expenditures for 1863 are estimated at $12,528,000, leaving an estimated deficiency of $3,145,000, to be supplied from the treasury, in addition to the permanent appropriation.

"The present insurrection shows, I think, that the extension of this District across the Potomac river, at the time of establishing the Capital here, was eminently wise; and, consequently, that the relinquishment of that portion of it which lies within the State of Virginia was unwise and dangerous. I submit for your consideration the expediency of regaining that part of the District, and the restoration of

The President's Message.

The President's Mes sage.

the original boundaries thereof | try by the Federai forces, the through negotiations with the Indians will rapidly cease all State of Virginia. hostile demonstrations, and re"The report of the Secretary of the Interior, with sume their former relations to the Government. the accompanying documents, exhibits the condition of the several branches of the public business "The execution of the laws for the suppression of pertaining to that department. The depressing in- the African slave trade has been confided to the Defluences of the insurrection have been especially felt partment of the Interior. It is a subject of congratin the operations of the Patent and General Landulation that the efforts which have been made for Offices. The cash receipts from the sales of public the suppression of this inhuman traffic have been lands during the pas year have exceeded the ex- recently attended with unusual success. Five vespenses of our land system only about $200,000. The sels being fitted out for the slave trade have been sales have been entirely suspended in the Southern seized and condemned. Two mates engaged in the States, while the interruptions to the business of the trade and one person in equipping a vessel as a country, and the diversion of large numbers of men slaver have been convicted and subjected to the from labor to military service, have obstructed set- penalty of fine and imprisonment, and one captain tlements in the new States and Territories of the taken with a cargo of Africans on board his vessel, northwest. The receipts of the Patent Office have has been convicted of the highest grade of offense declined in nine months about $100,000, rendering a under our laws, the punishment of which is death. large reduction of the force employed necessary to make it self-sustaining.

"The demands upon the Pension Office will be largely increased by the insurrection. Numerous applications for pensions based upon the casualties of the existing war, have already been made. There is reason to believe that many who are now upon the pension rolls and in receipt of the bounty of the Government, are in the ranks of the insurgent army, or giving them aid and comfort. The Secretary of the Interior has directed a suspension of the payment of the pensions of such persons, upon proof of their disloyalty. I recommend that Congress authorize that officer to cause the names of such persons to be stricken from the pension rolls.

"The relations of the Government with the Indian tribes have been greatly disturbed by the insurrection, especially in the Southern superintendency and in that of New Mexico. The Indian country south of Kansas is in possession of the insurgents from Texas and Arkansas. The Agents of the United States, appointed since the 4th of March for this superintendency, have been unable to reach their posts, while the most of those who were in office before that time, have espoused the insurrectionary cause and assume to exercise the power of agents by virtue of commissions from the insurrectionists. It has been stated in the public press that a portion of these Indians have been organized as a military force, and attached to the army of the insurgents. Although the Government has no official information upon the subject, letters have been written to the Commissioner on Indian Affairs by several prominent chiefs, giving assurances of their loyalty to the United States, and expressing a wish for the presence of the Federal troops to protect them. It is believed that, upon the repossession of the coun

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The Territories of Colorado, Dakota and Neva da, created by the last Congress, have been organized, and civil administration has been inaugurated therein under auspices especially gratifying when it is considered that the leaven of treason was found existing in some of these new countries when the Federal officers arrived there. The abundant natural resources of these Territories, with the security and protection afforded by organized Govern. ment, will doubtless invite to them a large immigra tion when peace shall restore the business of the country to its accustomed channels. I submit the resolutions of the Legislature of Colorado, which evidence the patriotic spirit of the people of that Territory. So far, the authority of the United States has been upheld in all the Territories, as it is hoped it will be in the future. I commend their interests and defense to the enlightened and generous care of Congress.

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"Under and by virtue of the act of Congress, entitled an act to confiscate property used for insurrectionary purposes, approved August 6th, 1861, the legal claims of certain persons to the labor and services of certain other persons have become forfeited, and numbers of the latter, thus liberated, are already dependent on the United States, and must be provided for in some way. Beside this, it is not impossible that some of the States will pass similar enactments for their own benefit respectively, and by the operation of which persons of the

The President's Message.

THE PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE.

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The President's Message.

law upon the same subject
shall be proposed, its propri
ety will be duly considered.
The Union must be preserved, and hence all indispen
sable means must be employed. We should not be
in haste to determine that radical and extreme
measures, which may reach the loyal as well as the
disloyal, are indispensable.

"The Inaugural Address at the beginning of the Administration and the Message to Congress at the late special session, were both mainly devoted to the domestic controversy out of which the insurrec

same class will be thrown upon them for disposal. In such case, I recommend that Congress provide for accepting such persons from such States according to some mode of valuation in lieu probanto of direct taxes, or upon some other plan to be agreed upon with such States respectively that such persons, on such acceptance by the General Government, be at once deemed free, and that in any event steps be taken for colonizing both classes, or the one first mentioned if the other shall not be brought into existence, at some place or places in a climate congenial to them. It might be|tion and consequent war have sprung. Nothing now well to consider, too, whether the free colored people already in the United States could not, so far as individuals may desire, be included in such colonization. To carry out the plan of colonization, may involve the acquiring of territory, and also the appropriation of money beyond that to be expended in the territorial acquisition. Having practiced the acquisition of territory for nearly sixty years, the question of Constitutional power to do so is no longer an open one with us. The power was at first questioned by Mr. Jefferson, who, however, in the purchase of Louisiana, yielded his scruples on the plea of great expediency. If it be said that the only legitimate object of acquiring territory is to furnish homes for white men, this measure effects that object, for the emigration of colored men, leaves additional room for white men remaining or coming here. Mr. Jefferson, however, placed the importance of procuring Louisiana more on political and commercial ground, than on providing room for population. On this whole proposition, including the appropriation of money with the acquisition of territory, does not the expediency amount to absolute necessity that without which the Government cannot be perpetuated if the war continues?

"In considering the policy to be adopted for suppressing the insurrection, I have been anxious and careful that the inevitable conflict for this purpose shall not degenerate into a violent and remorseless revolutionary struggle. I have, therefore, in every case, thought it proper to keep the integrity of the Union prominent as the primary object of the contest on our part, leaving all questions which are not of vital military importance to the more deliberate action of the Legislature. In the exercise of my best discretion, I have adhered to the blockade of the ports held by the insurgents instead of putting in force by proclamation the law of Congress enact ed, at the late session, for closing those ports. So also obeying the dictates of prudence as well as the obligations of law, instead of transcending, I have adhered to the act of Congress to confiscate property used for insurrectionary purposes. If a new

occurs to add to or subtract from the principles or general purposes stated and expressed in those documents. The last ray of hope for preserving the Union peaceably, expired at the assault upon Fort Sumter, and a general review of what has occurred since may not be unprofitable. What was painfully uncertain then is much better defined and more distinct now, and the progress of events is plainly in the right direction. The insurgents confidently claimed a strong support from north of Mason and Dixon's line, and the friends of the Union were not free from apprehension on the point. This, however, was soon settled definitely, and on the right side. South of the line, noble little Delaware led off right from the first. Maryland was made to seem against the Union; our soldiers were assaulted, bridges were burned, and railroads torn up within her limits, and we were many days at one time without the ability to bring a single regiment over her soil to the capital. Now, her bridges and railroads are repaired and open to the Government. She already gives seven regiments to the cause of the Union, and none to the enemy; and her people, at a regular election, have sustained the Union by a larger majority, and a larger aggregate vote than they ever before gave to any candidate on any question. Kentucky, too, for some time in doubt, is now decidedly, and, I think, unchangeably, ranged on the side of the Union. Missouri is comparatively quiet, and I believe cannot again be overrun by the insurrectionists. These three States of Maryland, Kentucky and Missouri, neither of which would promise a single soldier at first, have now an aggregate of not less than forty thousand in the field for the Union; while of their citizens, certainly not more than a third of that number, and they of doubtful whereabouts and doubtful existence, are in arms against it. After a somewhat bloody struggle of months, winter closes on the Union people of Western Virginia, leaving them masters of their own country.

"An insurgent force of about fifteen hundred, for months dominating the narrow peninsular re

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Also, we have obtained a footing at each of the isolated points on the Southern coast, of Hatteras, Port Royal, Tybee Island, near Savannah, and Ship Island; and we likewise have some general accounts of popular movements in behalf of the Union in North Carolina and Tennessee. These things demonstrate that the cause of the Union is advancing steadily southward.

"Since your last adjournment, Lieutenant-General Scott has retired from the head of the army. During his long life, the nation has not been unmindful of his merit; yet, on calling to mind how faithfully, ably and brilliantly he has served the country, from a time far back in our history, when few of the now living had been born, and thenceforward continually, I cannot but think we are still his debtors. I submit, therefore, for your consideration, what further mark of recognition is due to him and to ourselves as a grateful people.

"With the retirement of General Scott came the executive duty of appointing in his stead a Generalin-Chief of the army. It is a fortunate circumstance that neither in council nor country was there, so far as I know, any difference of opinion as to the proper person to be selected.

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The retiring chief repeatedly expressed his judgment in favor of General McClellan for the position, and in this the nation seemed to give a unanimous concurrence. The designation of General McClellan is, therefore, in a considerable degree, the selection of the country as well as of the Executive; and hence there is better reason to hope there will be given him the confidence and cordial support thus, by fair implication promised, and without which he cannot, with so full efficiency, serve the country.

"It has been said that one bad General is better than two good ones; and the saying is true, if taken to mean no more than that an army is better directed by a single mind, though inferior, than by two superior ones at variance and cross-purposes with each other. And the same is true in all joint operations wherein those engaged can have none but a common end in view, and can differ only as to the choice of means. In a storm at sea, no one on board can wish the ship to sink, and yet not unfrequently all go down together, because too many

will direct, and no single mind can be allowed to control.

The President's Mes sage.

"It continues to develop that the insurrection is largely, if not exclusively, a war upon the first principles of popular government-the rights of the people. Conclusive evidence of this is found in the most grave and maturely-considered public documents, as well as in the general tone of the insurgents. In these documents, we find the abridgement of the existing right of suffrage, and the denial to the people of all right to participate in the selection of public officers, except the legislative body, is advocated with labored arguments to prove that large control of the Government by the people is the source of all political evil. Monarchy itself is sometimes hinted at as a possible refuge from the power of the people.

"In my present position, I could scarcely be justified were I to omit raising a warning voice against this approach of returning despotism.

"It is not needed nor fitting here that a general argument should be made in favor of popular institutions; but there is one point with its connections not so hackneyed as most others, to which I ask a brief attention. It is the effort to place capital on an equal footing with, if not above labor, in the structure of Government. It is assumed that labor is available only in connection with capital, that nobody labors unless somebody else owning capitalsomehow by the use of it induces him to labor. This assumed, it is next considered whether it is best that capital shall hire laborers, and thus induce them to work by their own consent, or buy them and drive them to it without their consent. Having proceeded so far, it is naturally concluded that all laborers are either hired laborers or what we call slaves; and further it is assumed that whoever is once a hired laborer is fixed in that condition for life. Now there is no such relation between capital and labor as assumed, nor is there any such thing as a free man being fixed for life in the condition of a hired laborer. Both of these assumptions are false, and all inferences from them are groundless. Labor is prior to, and independent of, capital. Capital is only the fruit of labor, and could never have existed if labor had not first existed. Labor is the superior of capital, and deserves much the highest consideration. Capital has its rights, which are as worthy of protection as any other rights. Nor is it denied that there is, and probably always will be, a relation between labor and capital, producing mutual bene. fits. The error is in assuming that the whole labor of the community exlsts within that relation. A few men own capital, and that few avoid labor them. selves, and with their capital hire or buy another few to labor for them. A large majority belong to

The President's Message.

THE PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE.

neither class-neither work for others, nor have others working for them. In most of the South

ern States, a majority of the whole people of all colors are neither slaves nor masters, while in the Northern a large majority are neither hirers nor hired. Men with their families-wives, sons and daughters -work for themselves on their farms, in their houses, and in their shops, taking the whole product

to themselves, and asking no favors of capital, on the one hand, nor of hired laborers or slaves, on the other. It is not forgotten that a considerable num

ber of persons mingle their own labor with capital —that is, they labor with their own hands, and also buy or hire others to labor for them; but this is only a mixed and not a distinct class. No principle stated is distinguished by the existence of this mixed

class.

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Again, as has already been said, there is not of necessity any such thing as the free hired laborer being fixed in that condition for life. Many independent men everywhere in these States a few years back in their lives were hired laborers. The prudent, penniless beginner in the world, labors for wages awhile, saves a surplus with which to buy tools and land for himself, then labors ou his own account another while, and at length hires another new beginner to help him. This is the just and generous and prosperous system which opens the way to all, gives hope to all, and consequent energy and progress in the improvement of their condition to all. No men living are more worthy to be trusted than those who toil up from poverty; none less inclined to take or touch ought which they have not honestly earned. Let them beware of surrendering a political power which they already possess, and which, if surrendered, will surely be used to close

the door of advancement against such as they, and to fix new disabilities and burdens upon them till all of liberty shall be lost.

"From the first taking of our national census to the last, are seventy years; and we find our population at the end of the period eight times as great as it was at the beginning. The increase of those other things which men deem desirable, has been even greater. We thus have, at one view, what the popular principle, applied to government, through the machinery of the States and the Union, has produced in a given time; and also what, if firmly maintained, it promises for the future. There are already among us those who, if the Union be preserved, will live to see it contain 250,000,000. The struggle of to-day is not altogether for to-day. It is for a vast future, also.

"With a firm reliance on Providence, all the more Grm and earnest for our present troubles, let us

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proceed in the great task which events have devolved upon us. ABRAHAM LINCOLN. "WASHINGTON, December 3d, 1861."

Opposition to Federal Policy.

What will strike the reader's attention is the kindly spirit which pervades this entire message. In that respect what a contrast it offers to the manifesto of revenge and baffled ambition quoted on pages 430-33! Confident, firm, sagacious and humane in terms and tone, it was but an exponent of the sentiment which swayed the minds and animated the hearts of the great mass of Northern people. Mr. Lincoln still retained the confidence of the people, to a flattering degree, and his words found a ready response in the hearts of his constituents. If a division of this confidence followed, it was a result of the changes brought forth by the vast responsibilities thrust upon the President. What to do and what not to do, were questions which soon grew to portentous sig nificance. The Executive, in answering either, by action, necessarily encountered the opposition of those who differed from his views. These differences grew, ere long, into political antagonisms; the inauguration of the Emancipation and Confiscation acts called into existence a powerful party. With a rallying cry "the Union as it was-the Constitution as it is," the opposition in effect proposed to restore the South with all its institutions and political force intact. Upon that issue the President experienced the only material opposition brought to bear against

his administration.

This issue was not undesirable. If regarded in its widest significance it was but a second phase of the rebellion. The first phase was the act of war to sustain the independence of the Slave States: the second was the

attempt to perpetuate the political power of Slave representation in the old Union.* In

This will appear more fully by reference to a few statistics. South Carolina's representation in the Federal Congress, under the apportionment of 1860, was four representatives for a white popula tion of 398,186. Connecticut representation was four representatives for a population of 760,679. Upon the basis of democratic equality-such an equality as underlies the whole structure of free institutions-South Carolina was entitled to but one

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