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Our policy in this emergency is a prudent, honest, direct, and generous one. We have raised large armies and a considerable navy. The reduction of Vicksburg, the possession of Chattanooga, and the capture of Richmond, would close the civil war with complete success. All these three enterprises are going forward. The two former will, we think, be effected within the next ten days. For the third we require re-enforcements, which are being rapidly and lavishly contributed at our call. The three hundred thousand additional troops will be in the field in sixty days, and within about the same period we shall have afloat as large an iron-clad fleet as any in the world. The war is becoming one of exhaustion to the insurgents, and they, not we, are hastening forward the rise of a servile population in arms on the side of the government. Under these circumstances, although we deprecate foreign interference, we deprecate it hardly less for the sake of other nations than for our own, and we deprecate it upon considerations of prudence and humanity, not at all from motives of fear or apprehension.

Having always contemplated the possibility of such interference, we shall be found not unprepared for it, if it must come.

We have so conducted our affairs as to deprive it of all pretence of right or of provocation. We have interfered with the dominion or the ambitious designs of no nation. We have seen San Domingo absorbed by Spain, and been content with a protest. We have seen Great Britain strengthen her gorernment in Canada, and have approved it. We have seen France make war against Mexico, and have not allied ourselves with that republic. We have heard and redressed every injury of which any foreign state has complained, and we have relaxed a blockade in favor of foreign commerce that we might rightfully have maintained with inflexibility. We have ouly complained because an attitude of neutrality encouraging to rebellion among us, adopted hastily and unnecessarily, has not been relinquished when the progress of the war showed that it was as injurious as it was ill-advised.

Under these circumstances, if intervention in any form shall come, it will find us in the right of the controversy and in the strong attitude of selfdefence. Once begun, we know how it must proceed. It will here bring out reserved and yet latent forces of resistance that can never go to rest until America shall be reconquered and reorganized by Europe, or shall have become isolated forever equally from the industrial and governmental systems of that continent. European statesmen, I am sure, before waging war against us, will consider their rights, interests, and resources, as well

For ourselves, we do not believe that European domination is to be rebuilt here upon the foundation of African slavery. I am, sir, your obedient servant,


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as our own.

Mr. Seward to Mr. Dayton. No. 183.]


Washington, July 15, 1862. Sir: The President appreciates the vigilance and the prudence which suggested your confidential despatch No. 164.

It may be enough to say, in reply, that the Comte de Paris and the Duc de Chartres, after a year's service in the army of the United States, in which they have conducted themselves with the utmost propriety and the highest gallantry., have returned to Europe. It is not to be doubted that they carry with them the affectionate gratitude of the American people.

This, however, is a sentiment won by them, not for themselves alone, or even peculiarly, but, as in the case of Lafayette and Rochambeau, it is a sentiment won by them for France.

You need hardly be told that the generous course adopted towards us, in what seemed a critical hour, by the Prince Napoleon, (Jerome,) made an equal impression upon the country, and its best wishes attend him wherever he goes, and whatever may be the sphere of his action.

Although the policy of the Emperor during the contest has not been, in all respects, what we have claimed and wished, you are, nevertheless, not tu be told now, for the first time, that it has been interpreted by us in the most favorable light, and every generous, and even any forbearing, word that he has spoken to us personally or by Mr. Thouvenel, has awakened the kindest sentiments among the American people. We have wished so well to France, and to her present government, that we have not suffered ourselves to attribute to the one or the other any of the unfriendly or unfeeling utterances of the press of Paris which have occasionally reached us. It appeared very early after the revolutionary war that the gratitude of the people of the United States for the aid they had received from France in that struggle was a sentiment too strong to allow them to divide themselves into parties upon the question who shall rule in France. That same sentiment lives at this day. We leave that question to Frenchmen, and only desire that, to whomsoever the sway is confided, he may, by ruling France wisely and well, increase her power and advance her prosperity and happiness. I am, sir, your obedient servant,

WILLIAM H. SEWARD. WILLIAM L. DAYTON, Esq., &-c., $c., &c.

Mr. Dayton to Mr. Seward.


No. 173.]

Paris, July 17, 1862. Sir: The receipt of your despatches from No. 163 to No. 175, both inclusive, is hereby acknowledged. Neither of these despatches seenis to contemplate a present reply. Their contents, respectively, I have noted, and in due time will communicate the substance of such as are intended to be communicated to Mr. Thouvenel.




The news from Charleston, followed by that from Richmond, is most disbeartening. The prolongation of the war beyond the present season will


suppose, be a matter of necessity. The Emperor and the court, as well as the diplomatic corps generally, have left Paris, and will not probably return until fall. The legation of the United States is, I suppose, the only one wholly remaining here. I am, sir, your obedient servant,

WM. L. DAYTON. His Excellency William H. SEWARD,

Secretary of State, f., fc., fc.

Mr. Seward to Mr. Dayton. No. 186.)


Washington, July 21, 1862. Sır: In a recent note to the department Mr. Mercier suggested that as ships-of-war in French ports bad a right to purchase supplies from the public warehouses free of duty, it was desirable that French ships in our ports should have a similar privilege. The authority of Congress was, of course, necessary for this. Accordingly, by the act approved on the 14th instant, increasing temporarily the duties on imports, this privilege has been granted, under such regulations as the Secretary of the Treasury may prescribe, to the vessels-of-war of any nation wbich may reciprocate such privilege towards the vessels-of-war of the United States in its ports. You will apprise Mr. Thouvenel of this enactment. I am, sir, your obedient servant,

WILLIAM H. SEWARD. Wm. L. Dayton, Esq., &c., &c., c.

Mr. Dayton to Mr. Seward. No. 178.]

PARIS, August 2, 1862. Sir: I learn unofficially that Mr. - states as a fact that France, Eng. land, and Russia have agreed to recommend to the United States the cessation of hostilities, and the settlement of their controversy with the south. In other words, they are to offer mediation, not together, but separately. That this comes directly from – I have no doubt; but there are so many stories afloat, of this or like nature, coming from him, that I cannot give it full credence ; more especially as it would seem to conflict with my

: general information from other quarters. Still, I report the statements to you.

It would seem to me that you must have some information, beyond what I receive here, as to the views of France, from her minister at Washington. If so, may I beg that you will communicate it? I am sure that I need not

I say that I ask this information from no idle curiosity, but as something essential to a useful discharge of my duties here. Nothing can be more embarrassing than being in the dark upon matter which may have transpired between yourself and the French minister at Washington. As an illustration of this, the only knowledge I had of the actual purpose of Mr. Mercier's recent visit to Richmond was obtained first from Lord Cowley, the British ambassador, and next, at second hand, from the Emperor. You will, under these circumstances, appreciate at once my embarrassments in falling into conversation with Lord Cowley on this subject. I make this reference, not at all as matter of complaint, but only as an illustration of my meaning when I allude to embarrassments arising from a want of knowledge of what may have transpired, if anything, between yourself and Mr. Mercier. I know and fully appreciate the vast extent of your labors, and it may be that nothing has recently been communicated by the French government. If

so, I beg that you will excuse me for directing your attention to the subject I am, sir, your obedient servant,

WM L. DAYTON. His Excellency W. H. SEWARD,

Secretary of State, 4., , c.



Mr. Daylon to Mr. Seward.

No. 180.]

Paris, August 4, 1862. SIR: In my interview on Friday last with Mr. Rouher, minister of foreign affairs, ad interim, he said, in auswer to a remark from me, that he did not think it at all probable that England would interfere with us. He asked some questions about our military condition and prospects, and I, in reply, submitted to him your views, as expressed in despatch No. 178.

Although I cannot but fear that your confident expectation of obtaining the three hundred thousand additional volunteers within sixty days may not be realized, yet the general views expressed by you in that despatch seem to me not only very pertinent, but remarkably well and clearly stated. I am, sir, your obedient servant,

WM. L. DAYTON. His Excellency William H. Seward,

Secretary of State, &c., &c., &c.

Mr. Seward to Mr. Dayton.

No. 194.]


Washington, August 4, 1862. Sır: I herewith enclose for your information the copy of a despatch of the 2d instant,* addressed to Mr. Adams, respecting the possibility of the recognition of the independence of the States in insurrection against this government, with a copy of the correspondence which took place between Major General Butler and the honorable Reverdy Johnson on the subject of seizure and confiscation ; and a copy of a note, of this date, from General

; Halleck to myself, showing how cotton is coming from Columbus. I am, sir, your obedient servant,

WILLIAM H. SEWARD. William L. Dayton, Esq., &c., &c., &c.

Mr. Dayton to Mr. Seward.

No. 181.]

Paris, August 8, 1862. SIR: You will have seen before this by the debates in the British Parliament, as well as by the announcement in the journals of St. Petersburg, that the rumor I gave you a few days since of an intended mediation in our affairs (growing out of a statement of

-) has no foundation in fact. I may add here that, immediately after the reception of the news of our defeats (as they are called) before Richmond, Mr. Slidell started for Vichy, where the Emperor was then staying. Upon his arrival there, he sought, as I am informed, an interview with his Majesty, which was denied to him. I very much doubt if he has ever, on any occasion, exchanged a word with the Emperor. The newspapers of the United States have made the most ridiculous statements in reference to their pretended interviews at

See correspondence with Great Britain for enclosure.

times and places where I was myself present, and where I know Mr. Slidell was not. I am, sir, your obedient servant,


Secretary of State, &c., Sc., 8c.

Mr. Seward to Mr. Dayton.

No. 196.]


Washington, August 9, 1862. Sir: I have to acknowledge the receipt of your despatch (No. 176) of the 24th ultimo, accompanied by a copy of your letter of the 15th ultimo to our consul at Marseilles in regard to the case of one Gauthreaux, a destitute citizen of the United States, and to the support of paupers from the United States in foreign countries and vice versa. The views expressed in that letter are entirely approved. I am, sir, your obedient servant,

WILLIAM H. SEWARD. William L. Dayton, Esq., 8c., &c., 8c.

Mr. Seward to Mr. Dayton.

No. 199.]


Washington, August 13, 1862. Sir: Your despatch of July 29 (No. 177) has been received. We are at the present moment in a state of uncertainty in relation to the renewal of military operations. Exaggeration of the forces of the insurgents and de preciation of our own have been the busy occupation of too many among us since the disappointment of our expectations at Richmond. It was unavoidable, because it is natural for men, and especially for masses, to be disturbed and demoralized, at least for a time, by the failure of sanguine expectations. You are entitled, however, to the information that in my opinion our forces in the field, although not demonstrative, are adequate to the task of holding the vast territories we have recovered. The new volunteers, 300,000 in number, are beginning to move to-day for the places of rendezvous to reinforce the army in the field, and forty days will suffice to bring forward also the 300,000 militia which have been called for by the President. Within the same time our naval preparations will begin to show important results. Much, however, is dependent on the military operations of the hour, while the preparations for a vigorous campaign are going forward. It is impossible to speculate with confidence on the chances of the war movements which are taking place to-day. I shall, at an hour nearer the departure of the steamer, notice any events which may occur in the interval. I send you an extract relating to France from a despatch which has just been received from Mr. Adams, together with my comments thereupon. It may interest, and possibly the communication may be important to you. I am, sir, your obedient servant,


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