force at Reidsville on the eleventh, he met, as before, a large assemblage of people; that he halted on the hill at that place, and formed his force in solid column, and in that way marched in the midst of them, and again halted for the sheriff to do his duty; that the sheriff arrested one person and the military took him into their keeping. Major Bloodgood further stated that he was satisfied the military force had completely overawed the resisters, and that the sheriff would be enabled to effect the service of his process; that when the troops arrived at Reidsville they found the resisters assembled in great numbers, and that,. with the view of preventing the troops from getting any shelter or accommodations, the resisters occupied all the barns, sheds, and public places; that he had ejected the resisters; that his course thereafter would be to continue his headquarters at Reidsville, and send with the sheriff a small armed force to assist him. The major further stated, that he had never seen regular troops perform better service, or more manfully endure the fatigue, exposure, and hardships, which they went through during a severe storm on the first day of their march.

On the twelfth instant I received from the sheriff a letter, stating that he had served the civil process he had in his hands; had made a levy on property, and had served writs; that he thought he should be able to serve all the process which he had, provided he could find the defendants; and that the troops had behaved well and in the most soldier-like manner.

On the thirteenth, Major Bloodgood wrote that the sheriff and the troops had been very active, and that the sheriff had accomplished the service of his process; and the sheriff, on the same day, certified to me that the service of process had been so far accomplished, that the presence of the troops was no longer necessary, and that every purpose had in view in calling out a military force was effected.

The adjutant-general thereupon immediately proceeded toward Rensselaerville with orders that the troops should return to the city. He met the sheriff, Major Bloodgood, and the troops, at Clarksville on the fourteenth, Saturday evening, and, in pursuance of my directions, submitted to the troops my wishes that they would remain there until Monday; but my consent, that if they should deem the delay too inconvenient, they should return to the city on the next day. The troops returned to the city on

the next day (Sunday, the fifteenth), having marched twelve miles, through a deep snow, and during a storm of intense severity. I met them on their arrival in the city, and returned them my acknowledgments for their good conduct and patriotism. On the sixteenth of December, general orders were issued, discharging them from service, and expressing to them in a more formal manner the high sense I entertained of their patriotism and good conduct.

Orders were also issued to the troops which had been directed to hold themselves in readiness in the city of New York.

I have thus submitted all the information in my possession on the subject of the resolution of the senate, and also copies of all the papers remaining in the executive department. The senate will permit me to recall to its recollection, that in my annual message at the commencement of the session, I submitted an account of the same proceedings. The statement then made, in the general view presented of the condition of the state, was necessarily brief. I am happy that the senate has afforded me an occasion to furnish more full information.

Immediately after the commencement of the session, the adjutant-general, by my direction, submitted to the committee of the assembly, on the militia and public defence, a bill for the payment of the troops who had been called into actual service, and at the same time laid before the committee copies of all the general orders demanded by the resolution of the senate, and of which copies are herewith sent, and the same are now remaining, as he informs me, before the legislature.

I beg leave to submit to the senate, that the citizen-soldiers who performed the service which has been described under circumstances of danger and privation, and of exposure to the most inclement weather, are manifestly entitled to the most liberal remuneration; that legislative action on the subject can not be long delayed without shaking the confidence of the militia in the justice of the state; and that, when that confidence shall become impaired, there will be much less alacrity than was manifested by the troops in question in obeying the call of the magistrate to sustain the civil authority.

Nor can I omit, on this occasion, most respectfully to renew the recommendation made in my annual message, that the legislature should take into consideration the causes out of which the

recent unhappy disturbances arose. Although the citizens of this county who were engaged in those disturbances mistook the remedy for the evils they endured, and adopted measures inconsistent with the peace and good order of society, yet it can not be denied that their complaints are well-grounded, and that legislative interposition in their behalf is required, not only upon considerations of justice and equality, but by sound and enlightened policy. Their petitions for relief from tenures oppressive, anti-republican, and degrading, are already before the legislature. I respectfully commend them to the favorable consideration of

the senate.

VOL. II.-24

NATIONAL BANKRUPT LAWS.

ALBANY, MARCH 17, 1840.

TO THE LEGISLATURE:

I SUBMIT the proceedings of a meeting of the citizens of the city of New York, held on the 27th of February last, in relation to a national bankrupt law.

The founders of the constitution of the United States seem to have enjoyed prophetic views of the development of the resources and of the ultimate destiny of our country. They anticipated that we should become a commercial nation, and conferred upon Congress ample powers to provide for every vicissitude which must happen to a commercial people. It is to be regretted that Congress has not in all cases exercised these powers in the manner best calculated to sustain the commercial interests, and promote in the greatest degree the general welfare of the country. The most striking instance of the neglect of an important constitutional duty by the general government is found in the omission "to establish uniform laws of bankruptcy throughout the United States." Until recently, commerce has prospered notwithstanding this neglect; and the misfortunes and embarrassments of individuals which might have been prevented or relieved by the operation of such laws have not been observed to affect the general welfare or arrest the public attention.

A different state of things now exists. A pressure of unexampled severity prevails throughout the length and breadth of the land. A rapid depreciation has taken place in the prices of labor, of mechanical and agricultural productions, and of real estate. The foreign and internal trade of the country are alike paralyzed. Domestic exchanges are deranged, the currency of the several states is without approximation to uniformity, individual credit scarcely exists, and the credits of the states them

i

selves suffers under interested attacks of foreign capitalists, encouraged by the demonstrations of greater distrust in the councils of the general government.

It is obvious that the first measure of relief from these evils would be the restoration of a sound, equal, and uniform currency. Unfortunately the action of Congress furnishes no ground to hope for the adoption of such a measure at the present session. The desire long manifested, and which still lingers in the national councils to reduce to a European standard the value of American labor, will not permit at present the restoration of a currency, through the operation of which domestic enterprise has found ample employment, and immigrants have been attracted hither from every country in Europe. The people, however, may apply the remedy, when the recurrence of congressional elections shall furnish an occasion for the expression of their will.

In the meantime, the citizens of New York, whose proceedings are herewith submitted, indulge the hope that Congress may be moved to grant, during the present session, such relief from existing evils as a system of uniform bankrupt laws would afford. It must be confessed, nevertheless, that this hope derives its existence rather from the general consent of our fellow-citizens concerning the necessity of the measure in the presect exigency, than from any indications of favorable action on the subject in the national legislature.

But the wisdom, justice, and expediency of a national bankrupt law, are unquestionable. There is no moral justice in holding under perpetual and hopeless constraint the debtor, who, having contracted his debts without fraud, voluntarily relinquishes and surrenders to his creditors, when he is overtaken by unforeseen calamities, all the property he has in any manner acquired. Happiness is not so prodigally bestowed upon our race as to warrant any government in depriving a large portion of its citizens, for a single instance, or even for repeated instances of misfortune, of the means to provide effectually for the education and maintenance of their families.

The creditor so seldom derives any advantage from the power he retains over the insolvent debtor, who has honestly surrendered all his property in satisfaction of his debts, and the obstinacy of one creditor so often defeats all effort for compromise advantageous to all parties, that society is without any equiva