CHAPTER VIII. KENTUCKY DURING ITS PERIOD OF "NEUTRALITY." Kentucky's Loyalty. Kentucky's Loyalty. States, the great majority NOTWITHSTANDING the neutrality which the Governor of Kentucky had proclaimed, May 20th, [see page 170,] and the semi-endorsement obtained for that anomalous position by the affirmative action of the State Senate, May 24th, [see page 171]-notwithstanding the Appeal to the Border State Convention, (composed of a mere corporal's guard of delegates,) for the people to "be steady in their (then) present position" [see page 172], the State drifted slowly but surely in the right direction. July 1st the election for members to the National Congress resulted in a heavy Union majority. As the candidates had been nominated on the real issue of secession or no secession, the vote indicated how immense-nessee, to be sold out and delivered, bound, ly in the ascendant was the loyal element. The returns were: The Governor of the State represented, in sentiment, the slave proprietary, and was, therefore, strenuously active in pressing the "neutral" condition of affairs voted for by the extra session of the Legislature; while the commanding General of the "State Guards"-called out to sustain the "honor of Kentucky soil" by repelling rebels and Federals alike-was known to favor the Confederate cause. But, Kentucky was not Ten over to the Davis Government; and Magoffin performed his Gubernatorial functions without exciting any popular fears for the result. We may not recite the thousand and one minor incidents and accidents which attended the term of Buckner's military reign. He was in a constant state of activity, but succeeded in nothing which did not prove his Southern sympathies and his extremely limited loyalty to Kentucky if she should side openly with the Federal Government. The communication remitted by Governor Magoffin to Mr. Lincoln cited the grievances of the neutrals. It was: "COMMONWEALTH OF KENTUCKY, EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, "FRANKFORT, Aug. 19th, 1861. "TO HIS EXCELLENCY, ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the United States: While this vote expressed the loyal sentiment of the people, it did not indicate the heavy "Sir: From the commencement of the unhappy undercurrent of pro-slavery sentiment which hostilities now pending in this country, the people was but provisionally loyal. The fear that of Kentucky have indicated an earnest desire and the war might result in the destruction of purpose, as far as lay in their power, while main their interests in the inter-State slave trade, taining their original political status, to do nothing operated powerfully on the minds of the ma- by which to involve themselves in the war. Up to jority of slave-owners; but, as in all Slave, this time they have succeeded in securing to them Magoffin's Demands of the President. selves and to the State peace and tranquillity as the fruits of the policy they adopted. My single object now is to promote the continuance of these blessings to the people of this State. "Until within a brief period the people of Kentucky were quiet and tranquil, free from domestic strife, and undisturbed by internal commotion. They have resisted no law, rebelled against no authority, engaged in no revolution, but constantly proclaimed their firm determination to pursue their peaceful avocations, earnestly hoping that their own soil would be spared the presence of armed troops, and that the scene of conflict would be kept removed beyond the border of their State. By thus avoiding all occasions for the introduction of bodies of armed soldiers, and offering no provocation for the presence of military force, the people of Kentucky have sincerely striven to preserve in their State domestic peace, and avert the calamities of sanguinary engagements. "Recently a large body of soldiers have been enlisted in the United States Army and collected in military camps in the central portion of Kentucky. This movement was preceded by the active organization of companies, regiments, &c., consisting of men sworn into the United States service, under officers holding commissions from yourself. Ordnance, arm, munitions and supplies of war are being transported into the State, and placed in large quantities in these camps. In a word, an army is now being organized and quartered within the State, supplied with all the appliances of war, without the consent or advice of the authorities of the State, and without consultation with those most prominently known and recognized as loyal citizens. This movement now imperils that peace and tranquality which from the beginning of our present difficulties have been the paramount desire of this people, and which, up to this time, they have so secured to the State. "Within Kentucky there has been, and is likely to be, no occasion for the presence of a military force. The people are quiet and tranquil, feeling no apprehension of any occasion arising to invoke protection from the Federal arm. They have asked that their territory be left free from military occupatiou, and the present tranquillity of their communication left uninvaded by soldiers, They do not desire that Kentucky shall be required to supply the battle field for the contending armies, or become the theatre of the war. "Now, therefore, as Governor of the State of Kentucky, and in the name of the people I have the honor to represent, and with the single and earnest desire to avert from their peaceful homes the hor This communication was dispatched by the hands of two "Commissioners," whom the Governor "accredited" to the President. With much good sense, and no little sarcasm, the President refused to receive the Commissioners in any other capacity than as private citizens. Under date of the 24th, he answered Magoffin's demand in these plain but determined words: The President's Answer. "WASHINGTON, D. C., Aug. 24th, 1861. "To his Excellency, B. MAGOFFIN, Governor of the State of Kentucky: "Sir: Your letter of the 19th inst., in which you urge the removal from the limits of Kentucky of the military force now organized, and in camp within that State,' is received. "I may not possess full and precisely accurate knowledge upon this subject; but I believe it is true that there is a military force in camp within Kentucky, acting by authority of the United States, which force is not very large, and is not now being augmented. "I also believe that some arms have been furnished to this force by the United States. 1 "I also believe that this force consists exclusively of Kentuckians, having their camp in the immediate vicinity of their own homes, and not assailing or menacing any of the good people of Kentucky. "In all I have done in the premises I have acted upon the urgent solicitation of many Kentuckians, and in accordance with what I believed and still believe to be the wish of a majority of all the Union loving people of Kentucky. "While I have conversed on the subject with many eminent men of Kentucky, including a large majority of her members of Congress, I do not remember that any one of them, or any other person, except your Excellency and the bearers of your Excellency's letter, has urged me to remove the military force from Kentucky or to disband it. One other very worthy citizen of Kentucky did solicit me to have the augmenting of the force suspended for a time. "Taking all the means within my reach to form a judgment, I do not believe it is the popular wish of Kentucky that the force shall be removed beyond ASSEMBLY OF THE LEGISLATURE. 319 her limits; and with this impression, I must respect- | the Governor submitted his fully decline to so remove it. "I most cordially sympathize with your Excellency in the wish to preserve the peace of my own native State, Kentucky; but it is with regret I search, and cannot find, in your very short letter, any declaration or intimation that you entertain any desire for the preservation of the Federal Union. "ABRAHAM LINCOLN." The anomalous position Position of Kentucky. of a State authority questioning the right of the Federal Government to protect itself, forbidding its jurisdiction on Kentucky soil, is one of those events which forcibly illustrates the absurdity of the "State Rights" dogma, on which the whole scheme of secession was founded. If Governor Magoffin could order Abraham Lincoln's troops away, and could sustain Kentucky's "neutrality," Federal authority and rights were a farce—a State was superior to the General Government. Efforts of the Secessionists. Pending the assembly of the Legislature (Sept. 3d), intense excitement prevailed through the entire area of the State regarding the condition of affairs. Agents of the Southern Confederacy were everywhere, laboring by their open personal efforts, by the press, by intrigue, by threats and brilliant promises, to cajole the people from their loyalty. John C. Breckenridge as chief operator threw into the desperate game all his political and personal influence. A dispatch dated Sept. 4th, stated: "It is understood in Frankfort that Governor Magoffin refused to play into the hands of the rabid Secessionists; that he has had a quarrel with Mr. Breckenridge; that he refuses to demand the breaking up of the United States camp in Garrard county, and that he declares that he will submit to the will of the majority of the people of Kentucky, as may be expressed through the Legislature." The Legislature assembled Sept. 3d, but was not fully organized until the 5th, when Assembly of the Message, the abstract of more troops, let them be obtained under the The Governor also inferred from the President's letter (given above) that Mr. Lincoln would remove the troops if the people requested it. He recommended the passage of resolutions requesting all troops or military bodies, not under State authority, to disband. He complained of the continued introduction of Federal arms and of their distribution to private citizens. That "source of irritation" should be arrested, &c., &c. His further views of national relations were thus expounded: all civil remedies before they will reconsider the "Kentucky has meant to wait the exhausting of question of assuming new external relations; but I have never understood that they will tamely submit to the unconstitutional aggressions of the North; that they renounce their sympathy with the people of her aggrieved sister States, nor that they will approve of a war to subjugate the South. Still can I not construe any of their votes as meaning that they will prosecute a coercive war against their Southern brethren. They meant only that they have still some hope of the restoration and perpet uation of the Union, and until that hope is blasted they will not alter their existing relations. Their final decision will be law to me, and I will execute every constitutional act of their representatives as vigilantly and faithfully as though it originated with myself." The Legislature did not sympathise with the sentiments here expressed, to any emphatic degree. The House (Sept. 11th) adopted a resolution directing the Governor to issue a proclamation ordering the Confederate troops, encamped in the State, to evacuate the soil of Kentucky. The vote on the passage of the resolution stood 71 in favor to 26 against. It then refused to suspend the rules, in order to allow the introduction of a resolution ordering the Governor to issue a proclamation ordering both the Federal and Confederate troops to evacuate the State. This was promptly folThe Test Resolves. lowed, by the passage through both Houses, of the following loyal and decided resolves: "Resolved, That Kentucky's peace and neutrailty have been wantonly violated, her soil has been in vaded, the rights of her citizens have been grossly infringed by the so-called Southern Confederate forces. This has been done without cause; therefore, "Be it resolved by the General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Kentucky, That the Governor be requested to call out the military force of the State to expel and drive out the invaders. "Resolved, That the United States be invoked to give that aid and assistance, that protection against invasion which is granted to each one of the States by the 4th section of the 4th article of the Constitu Excitement among the People. | 13th); but their quick repassage, by the Legislature, over his veto, warned him that the game of secession was dead in Kentucky. This action was called for by the perilous state of affairs. A dispatch from Louisville, Sept. 9th, stated: "The irritation between the Unionists and the secession element in this city is hourly increasing. The best informed politicians hold that the crisis has been reached, and that the neutrality phantom will give way in a few days to a hostile collision, and that Kentucky will share the fate of Missouri. The Union men of this city loudly demand prompt and energetic action on the part of the Legislature for suppressing rebel movements in the State, and are very restive under the dilatory policy thus far pursued. A delegation of Tennessee Secessionists, assisted by Senators Breckenridge and Powell, ex-Governor Morehead and others, are exerting their utmost to prevent the Legislative endorsement of the formation of military camps in the State. A call for additional volunteers is urged by more de cided Unionists." Military Plot and Counter-plot. The Confederates were, of course, restive under this state of things. The game of plot and counter-plot among military commanders commenced early in the month. General Grant, the Federal officer in command at Cairo, telegraphed to the Legislature, September 5th, that the rebel· forces, in considerable numbers, had invaded Kentucky, and were occupying and fortifying strong positions at Hickman and Chalk Bluffs. To this communication the Legislature replied, that his message, and one from Governor Harris of Tennessee, had been referred to a special committee. The Tennessee oligarch wrote: "The Confederate troops that landed at Hickman last night, did so without my knowledge and consent, and, I am confident, also without the consent of the President. I have telegraphed President Davis, requesting their immediate with drawal,” This passed the House by a vote of 68 to 26-indicating the Union strength in that "conservative" body. But, Governor Magoffin, although he had promised to obey and enforce, faithfully, the mandate of the Legis- Grant resolved not to await the invitation lature, had not counted upon this loyalty. extended by Governor Harris to General Polk He attempted to stay the Union-ward set of to abandon Kentucky soil, but to compel the the tide by a veto of the resolutions (Sept. | evacuation of Hickman by counter-occupancy. Military Plot and Counter-plot. KENTUCKY TROOPS IN THE FIELD. 821 On the morning of the 6th, | early as Sept. 5th. He had not even the he was in Paducah, Ken- pretence of "Federal invasion," in that ditucky, with two regiments rection. His movement was an open menace of infantry, one battery and two gun boats. of Kentucky, but designed, more particularHe found many rebel flags flying in differently, to cut off East Tennessee from Federal aid. parts of the city, in expectation of the arrival of the Southern army, which was reported three thousand eight hundred strong, sixteen miles distant. Loyal citizens tore down the rebel flags on the arrival of our troops. Grant took possession of the telegraph office, railroad depot and the Marine Hospital. He found large quantities of complete rations and leather for the Southern army. The following proclamation was immediately published: "I have come among you not as an enemy but as your fellow citizen. Not to maltreat or annoy you, but to respect and enforce the rights of all loyal citizens. An enemy in rebellion against our common Government, has taken possession of and planted his guns on the soil of Kentucky and fired upon you. Columbus and Hickman are in his hands. He is moving upon your city. I am here to defend you against this enemy, to assist the authority and sovereignty of your Government. I have nothing to do with opinions, and shall deal only with armed rebellion and its aiders and abettors. You can pursue your usual avocations with out fear. The strong arm of the Government is here to protect its friends and punish its enemies. Whenever it is manifest that you are able to defend yourselves and maintain the authority of the Government and protect the rights of loyal citizens, I shall withdraw the forces under my command. The staunch loyalty to the Union of the vast majority of the people of that section, gave the Confederate chiefs some cause of alarm; and dispositions were made of their forces not only to crush out the Union uprising, but to keep out Federal aid. Kentucky Troops in the Field. These invasions by the Southern army so clearly indicated the rule of the bayonet to accomplish Confederate designs, that the Unionists of the State hastened the formation of regiments to fill Kentucky's quota of National forces. Rosseau's brigade was already in the field. Hon. Ja's S. Jackson organized a regiment of cavalry, which was ready for service by Sept. 20th. Other regiments rapidly formed, particularly after General Robert Anderson assumed command of the "Department of Kentucky," Sept. 20th. The Legislature did not long hesitate. Invasion and the occupancy of their soil by the Confederates broke down all barriers and left no time for delay in the choice of their course. The legislators did not hesitate in expressing their loyalty and devotion to the Union. Sept. 25th an amended bill was introduced in the House, from the Committee on Military Affairs, calling out forty thousand volunteers from one to three years, which was passed by a vote of sixty-seven to thirteen, The Senate concurred by a vote of twenty-one to five. The same day the Senate also passed, by sixteen to ten, a bill providing that Kentuckians who have voluntarily joined the anti-force invading the State, shall be incapable of taking any estate in Kentucky by devise, bequest, or distribution, unless they return to their allegiance within sixty days, or escape from the invaders as soon as possible. From that moment "neutrality” was ended, and Kentucky was true to her traditions of patriotism and fealty to the Constitution. |