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should be no just cause for offence. In this spirit he would now approach Spain. Patron of the renowned navigator through whom she became the discoverer of this hemisphere, her original sway within it surpassed that of any other power. At last her extended possessions on the mainland loosed themselves from her grasp. Cuba and Porto Rico remained; and now Cuban insurgents demand independence as a nation. For months they have engaged in deadly conflict with the Spanish power. The beautiful island is fast becoming a desert, while the nation to which Columbus gave the New World is contending for its last possession there. On this statement two questions occur—as to the duty of Spain, and as to the duty of the United States. Unwelcome as it may be to Castilian pride, Spain must not refuse to see the case in its true light, nor can she close her eyes to the lesson of history. She must recall how the thirteen American colonies achieved independence against all the power of England—How all her own colonies on the American main achieved independence against her own most strenuous efforts—How at this moment England is preparing to release her Northern colonies from their condition of dependence; and recalling these examples it would be proper for her to consider if they do not illustrate a tendency in all colonies which was remarked by an illustrious Frenchman even before the independence of the United States. Turgot, in 1750, said, “ Colonies are like fruits, which hold to the tree only until maturity-when sufficient for themselves doing what Carthage did, what some day will America do.” Senator Sumner asked, Has not Cuba reached this condition of maturity? Is it not sufficient for itself? Is victory over a colony contending for independence worth the blood and treasure it will cost ? These are serious questions which can be answered properly only by putting aside all passion and prejudice of empire, and calmly considering the actual condition of things. Nor must the case of Cuba be confounded for a moment with our wicked rebellion, having for its object the dismemberment of a Republic to found a new power, with slavery as its declared corner-stone. He could not doubt that, in the interest of both parties, Cuba and Spain, and in the interest of humanity also, the contest should be closed. Nor could the enlightened mind fail to see that Spanish power on this island was an anachronism. The day of European colonies had passed-at least in this hemisphere, where the rights of man were first proclaimed, and self-government was first organized. As the true course for Spain was clear, so to his mind was the true course for the United States equally clear. It was to avoid involving themselves in any way. Enough of war have they had without heedlessly assuming another; enough had their commerce been driven from the ocean without heedlessly arousing a new enemy. Two policies were open to them at the beginning of the insurrection. One was to unite their fortunes openly with the insurgents, assuming the responsibilities of such an alliance with the hazard of open war. The other policy was to make Spain feel that they wished her nothing but good, and that especially since the expulsion of her royal dynasty they cherished for her a cordial sympathy. It is said that Republics are ungrateful, but he would not forget that at the beginning of their revolution their fathers were aided by her money, as afterwards by her arms, and that one of her great statesmen, Florinda Blanca, bent his energies to the organization of that armed neutrality in the North of Europe which turned the scale against England. He said nothing of the motives with which Spain was then governed. It was something that in their day of need she lent a helping hand.

Adopting the first policy, it was evident they would be powerless, except as an enemy. The second policy might enable them to exercise an important influence. The more he reflected upon the actual condition of Spain the more he was satisfied that the true rule for the United States was non-intervention, except in the way of good offices. Spain is engaged in comedy and tragedy. The Spanish comedy is hunting a king; the tragedy sending armies against Cuba. He did not wish to take part in the comedy or the tragedy. If Spain were wise she would give up both. Meanwhile they had a duty which is prescribed by international law. To that venerable authority he repaired, and what it prescribed he followed. Nations were not left by it to any mere caprice; there was a rule they must follow, subject to just accountability when they departed from it. On ordinary occasions there was no question, for it was with nations as with individuals. It was only at a critical moment when the rule was obscure or precedents uncertain that doubt arose, as now, on the question of recognizing the belligerence of the Cuban insurgents. Here he wished to be explicit. Belligerence was a “fact” attested by evidence. If the "fact” did not exist there was nothing to recognize. The fact could not be invented or imagined, it must be proved. No matter what their sympathy or the extent of their desires, they must look to the fact. There might be insurrection without reaching this condition, which was at least the half-way house to independence. The Hungarians when they rose against Austria did not reach it, although they had large armies in the field. The Poles in repeated insurrections against Russia never reached it, although they made Europe vibrate. The sepoys and rajahs of India failed also, although for a time they held in check the whole English power. Nor in his opinion did the American rebels ever reach it so far as to justify their recognition on the ocean. If the Cuban insurgents had yet reached this point he had never seen the evidence. He knew they were in arms; but where were their cities, towns, provinces, Government, ports, tribunals for justice, and prize courts ? To put these questions was to answer them. How, then, was the “fact” of belligerence? There was another question in their case, and with him it was final. Even if they came within the prerequisites of international law, he was unwilling to make any recognition of them, so long as they continued to hold human beings as slaves. A decree in May last, purporting to be signed by Cespedes, abolished slavery; but he was not sure of this decree, especially in view of another in July, purporting to come from the same authority, maintaining slavery. Until this was settled they must wait. While on the abstract question of the recognition of belligerence there was much latitude of opinion, he did not hesitate to adopt that interpretation of international law which placed war and all that make for war under the strongest restrictions, believing that in this way he should best promote civilization and obtain new security for international peace.

From the case of Spain he would pass to that of England, contenting himself with a brief explanation. On this subject he had never broken silence except with pain, and he hoped not to say any thing now which would augment difficulties, although when he considered how British anger was aroused by an effort in another place, judged by all who heard it most pacific in character, he did not know that even these few words might not be mistaken. There could be no doubt that they received from England incalculable wronggreater, he had often said, than was ever before received by one civilized Power from another, short of unjust war. He did not say this in bitterness, but in sadness. There could be no doubt that, through English complicity, their carrying trade was transferred to English bottoms; their foreign commerce sacrificed, while England gained what they lost; their blockade rendered more expensive; and, generally, that their war, with all its fearful cost of blood and treasure, was prolonged indefinitely. This terrible complicity began with a wrongful recognition of rebel belligerence, under the shelter of which pirate-ships were built and supplies were sent forth. All this was at the very moment of their mortal agony, in the midst of a struggle for national life, and it was done in support of rebels, whose single declared object of separate existence as a nation was slavery, being in this respect clearly distinguishable from a Power where slavery was tolerated without being made the corner-stone. Such is the case. Who should fix the measure of this great accountability ? for the present it was enough to expose it. He made no demand -not a dollar of money-not a word of apology. He showed simply what England had done to them. It would be for her to determine what reparation to offer. It would be for the American people to determine what reparation to require. On this head he contented himself with the aspiration that out of it might come some enduring safeguard for the future, some landmark of humanity. He had little hope of any adequate settlement until their case, in its full extent, had been heard. In all controversies the first stage of justice was to understand the case, and, sooner or later, England must understand theirs.

The English argument, so far as argument could be found in the recent heats, had not in any respect impaired the justice of our complaint Loudly it was said that there could be no sentimental damages, or damages for wounded feeling ; and then their case was dismissed as having nothing but this foundation. Without undertaking to say there was no remedy in the case supposed, he wished

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it understood that their complaint was for damages traced directly to England. If the amount was unprecedented, so also was the wrong. The scale of damages was naturally in proportion to the scale of operations. Who among them doubted that these damages were received ? The records showed how their commerce suffered, and witnesses without number testified how the war was prolonged. In view of this great wrong, it was a disparagement of international law to say there was no remedy. An eminent English judge once pronounced from the bench that “the law is astute to find remedy ;” but no astuteness was required in this case - nothing but simple justice. Then it was said, Why not consider their good friends in England, and especially those noble working-men who stood by them so bravely? They did consider them always, and give them gratitude for their generous alliance. But they are not England. They trace no damages to them, nor to any class, high or low, but to England—corporate England—through whose Government they suffered. Again, it was asked, Why not exhibit an account against France ? For the good reason that while France erred with England in recognition of rebel belligerence, no pirate-ships or blockaderunners were built under shelter of that recognition to prey upon their commerce. The two cases were wide asunder, and they were distinguished by two different phases of the common law. The recognition of rebel belligerence in France was damnum absque injuriá, or wrong without injury; but that same recognition in England was damnum cum injuriá, or wrong with injury; and it was of this unquestionable injury that they complained.

It could not be doubted that the pendency of this great question would always be a cloud upon the relations of the two Powers when there should be sunshine. Good men on both sides should desire its settlement in such a way as to most promote goodwill and make the best precedent for civilization. There could be no goodwill without justice, nor could any “snap-judgment” make friends, or establish any rule for the future. Sometimes there were whispers of territorial compensation, and Canada was named as the consideration. But he knew little of England or of English liberty, or of that great liberty which was theirs, who supposed such a transfer could be made or received. On each side there was impossibility. Territory might be conveyed, but not a people. He alluded to this suggestion only because it had been made in the public press, and had been answered from England. But the United States could never be indifferent to Canada, nor to the other British provinces, near neighbours and kindred. It was well known, historically, that even before the Declaration of Independence their fathers hoped that Canada would take part with them. The Continental Congress by solemn resolution invited Canada, and appointed a commission with Franklin at its head “to form a union between the colonies and the people of Canada." Long ago the Continental Congress passed away, but the invitation survived, not only in the archives of their history, but in all American hearts, constant and continuing as

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when first issued, believing, as they did, that such a union in the fulness of time, with the goodwill of the Mother Country and the accord of both parties, must be the harbinger of infinite good. Nor did he doubt that this would be accomplished. Such a union was clearly foreseen by the late Richard Cobden, who, in a letter to him (Mr. Sumner) dated London, November 7, 1849, wrote, “I agree with you that nature has decided that Canada and the United States must become one for all purposes of intercommunication. Whether they also shall be united in the same federal government must depend upon the two parties to the union. I can assure you that there will be no repetition of the policy of 1776 on our part to prevent our North American colonies from pursuing their interests in their own way. If the people of Canada are tolerably unanimous in wishing to sever the very slight thread which now binds them to this country, I see no reason why, if good faith and ordinary temper be observed, it should not be done amicably.”

Nearly twenty years had passed since these prophetic words, and enough had already occurred to give assurance to the rest. Reciprocity, so often desired on both sides, would be transfigured in union. The end was certain; nor would they wait long for its fulfilment. In the procession of events it was now at hand, and he was blind who did not discern it. From the Frozen Sea to the Mexican Gulf, from the Atlantic to the Pacific, the whole vast continent, rich in population and resources, would be the great Republic, one and indivisible, with a common constitution, a common liberty, and a common glory.

Congress reassembled in the beginning of December, and the President transmitted his Annual Message which, being the first of his term of office, we give in extenso, as follows : TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES :

“In coming before you for the first time as Chief Magistrate of this great nation, it is with gratitude to the Giver of all good for the many benefits we enjoy: we are blessed with peace at home, and are without entangling alliances abroad to forebode trouble, with a territory unsurpassed in fertility, of an area equal to the abundant support of five hundred millions of people, and abounding in every variety of useful mineral in quantity sufficient to supply the world for generations; with exuberant crops; with a variety of climate adapted to the production of every species of earth's riches, and suited to the habits, tastes, and requirements of every living thing; with a population of forty millions of free people, all speaking one language; with facilities for every mortal to acquire an education ; with institutions closing to none the avenues to fame or any of fortune that may be coveted; with freedom of the pulpit, the press, and the school; with a revenue flowing into the national treasury beyond the requirements of the government. Happily, harmony is being rapidly restored within our own borders. Manu

blessing

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