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tion, and would give the promise of the ultimate abolition of slavery throughout the United States. I then told him that it would certainly be done, and he reiterated his assurance that it would be hailed with joy by England. But, alas, alas, the oracle has been dumb. Even the Alliance has maintained neutrality silence. Treasure and labor were abundantly used to secure the liberation of the Madai, and there was great and proper joy when it was accomplished. But no note of grateful cheer and encouraging, sympathetic joy is heard when thousands of human beings for whom Christ died are in one hour emancipated from slavery by the vote of the Congress of the United States. We confidently expected that the Alliance would be the first to speak, and, so far as needed, to lead and instruct public sentiment.


The territories are large tracts of land not yet formed into States. Over these the Government extends the laws of the United States. In 1820 the Missouri Compromise was entered into, by which all territory lying south of 36 30 north latitude, when formed into States, could have slavery; while all north of that line was to be forever free. This compromise was faithfully kept until all the territory south of this line was formed into States; then, through the slave power, it was declared to be unconstitutional, which threw open all the territories to have slavery or not, as the people should elect. Here perhaps, is the proper place for me to inform you, that not only the Irish and Germans, but also the English, who make the United States their home, as a general fact, become pro-slavery, and vote with the Democratic party. The anti-slavery men, so far from having aid and comfort from this foreign element, have found it a power arrayed against them. The motive I do not discuss, though I have a decided opinion as to what it is. But the fact is beyond dispute. Could all questions, involving the interest of the slave, be submitted to the native votes, there is no doubt that the anti-slavery sentiment of the Union would be triumphantly great. But now by an act of Congress slavery is forever excluded from all the territories of the United States. This act passed last winter, and was made known in England as well as in America. It is but fair to conclude that an institution so intelligently benevolent and wide awake for the pro

gress of Liberty as the Evangelical Alliance did not remain in ignorance of this act of Congress. But where is the evidence that a single throb of pleasure came from the heart of the Alliance? You, my dear Sir, will know if any motion or minute found a place on your records in commendation of this noble act.


President Lincoln sent a special paper to Congress on this subject, and requested them to pass such an act as would enable him, in good faith, to make the offer. Congress promptly passed the act, which, if the States accepted, would involve the United States in the expenditure of millions, far exceeding the twenty millions sterling which your Government nobly paid for the emancipation of 800,000 slaves in the West Indies. This was done with the hope that millions of slaves would be thus emancipated, and was one of many illustrations of the growing desire on the part of the North, even at the expense of heavy taxation to themselves, to free the country from slavery. This certainly was a step, a long step, in the right direction, setting forth a good moral sentiment. As slavery is a local institution, governed by the laws of the States where it existed, neither the President, nor the Congress, had the constitutional power to abolish it in any of these States. But by this offer of pecuniary aid, it was believed that the border States. would make a beginning, and thus in time the freedom of every slave would be secured. Was not this proposition to free the slaves and remunerate the masters as noble a testimony against slavery and in favor of freedom, as was the similar act of England? Surely then we had a right to expect that England, who had read us so many lectures, and in various ways expressed her horror of slavery and love of liberty, would cheer us on with words of encouragement and sympathy. And especially had we the right to expect that the Evangelical Alliance would be the foremost in holding up to approbation this unmistakably honest manifestation of progress. But, alas, your silence has fallen upon us like the withering frosts of Autumn.


While the slave power ruled in our General Government, all attempts to allow a mutual right of search were repelled with the most settled determination. The consequence was, that the flag of the United States was used, by the wicked of all nations, to cover and protect this "vilest of all villainies." But, last winter, a new treaty, inaugurated by the Government of the United States, was made with Great Britain, by which we fully coöperate with you in the most vigorous and effective measures to suppress the slave trade. The flag of our Union no longer covers or protects that monstrous trade in human beings, and our ships are now open to the severest search. This measure was accepted by your Government, but where was the voice of Lords Shaftsbury and Kinnard on this occasion? Did they then hail this measure with joy? It is true, your papers did some of them notice the matter as a passing piece of news, for which the main credit was to be given to England. But where, my dear brother, was the Alliance at this juncture? Do your records contain any minute of approbation of an act effecting so happily the future of a people hitherto down trodden and oppressed? Surely this came within the appropriate work of the Alliance. We expected that, on such a topic, you would speak out in tones of strength and approbation. But we have been disappointed, and Hope deferred maketh the heart 'sick.


In the year 1807, Congress passed a law prohibiting the importation of slaves after January 1st, 1808. And in 1818, they declared the traffic to be piracy, and punishable with death. During the time that the slave holders, with their faithful allies, the Democratic party north, had the rule in the Federal Government, it was impossible to procure the conviction of any person engaged in the slave trade. Some arrests were made, but, somehow, they always escaped. Suspicious vessels, fitting out, always found the marshal so blind as not to find out where they were, or what they were doing. But when the Republican party elected and inaugurated President Lincoln, a different class of United States

officers were appointed ;--men who had eyes to see. Captain Gordon was arrested and tried. The evidence that he commanded a slaver, and that there was great suffering and many deaths, by reason of the numbers stowed in narrow accommodations, was abundant, leaving not the shadow of a doubt of his guilt. Though most ably defended by learned counsel, the jury returned the verdict of guilty, and he was sentenced, by Judge Shipman, to be hung. Untiring efforts were made for a new trial. When these failed the most persevering applications were made to the President to pardon Captain Gordon, or, at least, to commute his punishment. Every influence was used to save this man from the gallows;-for all interested in this nefarious traffic saw that, if this man was hung, it was certain that a new order of things had commenced, and that public sentiment demanded that those who carry on the slave trade should be hung as pirates. But all these urgencies and contrivances failed, and he was hung as a pirate. Since then the fitting out of slavers has ceased. The testimony of our Missionaries in Africa is, that this one execution has caused more dread there than all the armed ships along the coast. In Massachusetts a wealthy and prominent citizen was tried for his connection with this trade, and enough was proved to justify a sentence of imprisonment for a long term of years. Though every man must feel sad that a human being should be executed, yet all must see that the hanging of Captain Gordon was the triumph of justice over wrong, and that it was the most impressive expression of the conviction of the public that the kidnapping' and enslaving of Africans is a crime worthy of death. For thus saith the Lord, [Ex. xxi, 16], "And he that stealeth a man, and selleth him, or if he be found in his hand, he shall surely be put to death." This execution was an anti-slavery triumph in which all liberty-loving hearts rejoice.


Long had these promising organizations asked to be acknowl edged and received into the family of nations. But, whilst the slave power had the rule at Washington, these petitions were not only unheeded, but treated with contempt, simply because they were nations of black men. Last winter, by a very strong vote, they were fully recognized. What effect did this produce in Great Britain? Scarcely a sensation. Does it find a place on

your records with approbation? We were confident, in the simplicity of our faith in you, that the Alliance would hail this act of justice to a long degraded and much injured people, and commend the United States for this, even though it was so long in coming. But I have not heard that you did anything in the premises. It cannot be that your heart has hardened towards the black man, certainly not. Then why did it not so throb as to give shape to its emotions?


The western portion of Virginia never acquiesced in the secession of that state. They organized themselves into a new commonwealth, and having adopted a constitution, they applied to be received into the Union. But their constitution included the right to hold slaves. With this provision in their constitution, Congress refused to receive them. This, certainly, was a manly stand against slavery and in favor of liberty,-was an aet which should have thrilled the heart of every lover of liberty in Great Britain, and secured for us their warmest thanks. Surely the Alliance, of all other organizations, should have shown where their heart was, for it was a vote which told the world the true sentiment of the North. Representatives are supposed to express the mind of those who send them to Congress. The decided vote by which this constitution was rejected, because of its slavery character, certified how thoroughly the anti-slavery sentiment had control of the mind and heart of the people.


This was issued by President Lincoln on the 22d of September, 1862, as chief of the army of the United States. It fixed upon January 1, 1863, as the time for it to go into operation. Then all within the limits of the rebellion are to be absolutely and forever free. This was proclaimed as a military necessity. And because it is thus honestly put forth, instead of commanding the respect and commendation of British statesmen and Christians, they have manifested against it the most singular opposition. With some, it has no favor because, as they say, it is done not as an act of humanity and justice, but simply as a military necessity. As a peace measure, there was no constitutional provision by which

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