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challenged the respect of every patriot in the land, the "bad actions" that have sprung from the "good beginning" may well turn our attention to the bloody 14th chapter in Allison's History.

GOV. SEYMOUR ON THE ROTTEN BOROUGH
SYSTEM..

We had intended to offer some suggestions. on the President's last message and proclamation, but Gov. SEYMOUR has said all that is necessary much better than we could say it. We therefore copy that portion of his message devoted to national affairs:

VIEWS OF GOV. HORATIO SEYMOUR.

Expressed in his Annual Message to the Legislature of
New York, delivered January 5th, 1864.
The past year has been crowded with
events,
both civil and military, of the greatest inter-
est. The establishment of a national bank
system; the issue of the enormous amounts of
paper money, which is made a legal tender;
the adoption of a law for coerced military ser-
vice; the act indemnifying and shielding offi-
cials charged with offences against the persons
and property of citizens; the suspension of the
writ of habeas corpus in peaceful and loyal
communities, are measures which go far to-
wards destroying the rights of States and cen-
tralizing all power at the national capital.

Paris, the fortified towns, and seaports of France; and declared hors la loi whoever did not yield obedience in ten hours to the order. It was received with applause by the convention, and passed, as all the decrees of government at that time, by acclamation. * * "The trial of these unhappy captives was as brief as during the massacres in the prisons "Did you know of the conspiracy of the prisons Dorival?" "No." "I expected "I expected no other answer, "Are you not an ex-noble?" "Yes," To a third: "Are you not a priest?" "Yes, but I have taken the oath.?? "You have no right to speak; be silent." "Were you not architect to Madame?" "Yes, but I was dis. graced in 1788." "Had you not a father-inlaw in the Luxembourg?" "Yes." Suck were the questions which constituted the sole trial of numerous accused; no witnesses were called; their condemnations were pronounced almost as rapidly as their names were called; the law of the 22d Prairial had dispensed with the necessity of taking any evidence, when the court were convinced by moral presumptions. The endictments were thrown off by hundreds at once, and the name of the individual merely filled in; the judgments were printed with equal rapidity, in a room adjoining the court, and several thousand copies cir culated through Paris by little urchins, exclaiming, amid weeping and distracted crowds, "Here are the names of those who have gained prizes in the lottery of the holy guillotine." The accused were executed at leaving the court, or, at least, on the following morning. The executive and military officials assume "Since the law of the 22d Prairal had been to declare martial law and to arrest citizens passed, the heads fell at the rate of fifty or where the courts are in undisturbed operation, sixty a day. "This is well,'' said Fouquier to try them by military tribunals, and to imTinville; but we must get on more rapidly in pose punishments unknown to the customs of the next decade; four hundred and fifty is the our country; to administer arbitrary test oaths; very least that must then be served up." To to interfere with the freedom of the press and facilitate this immense increase, spies were with State and local elections by military desent into the prisons in order to extract from crees and the display of armed power. the unhappy wretches their secrets, and desig- The President claims the right to do acts benate to the public accuser those who might first yond the civil jurisdiction, and beyond the legbe selected. These infamous wretches soon islative power of Congress, by virtue of his became the terror of the captives. They were position as Commander-in-Chief. In this asenclosed as suspected persons, but their real sumption he is sustained by both branches of mission was soon apparent from their insolence Congress, and by a large share of the people their consequential airs, the preference shown of the country. The proceedings of Congress them by the jailers, their orgies at the doors and the action of the Executive and military of the cells with the agents of the police. They officials have wrought a revolution. The civil were caressed, implored by the trembling pris- power, the laws of States and the decisions of oners, and received whatever little sums they the Judiciary have been made subordinate to had been able to secrete about their persons, to military authority. At this time, then, we are keep their names out of the black list; but in living under a military government, which vain. The names of such as they chose to de-claims that its highest prerogatives spring from nounce were made up in a list called, in the prisons, "The Evening Journal," and the public chariots sent at nightfall to convey them to the Conciergerrie preparatory to their trial on the following morning.

Says SALLUST,

:

martial law and military necessities. These acts have been sustained by the army and acquiesced in by the people. This revolution, if permanently accepted, must be recognized as an overthrow of established and cherished principles of government. Hereafter it will force itself upon the attention of the Ameri

All bad actions spring from good begin- can people, who will then see and feel its nanings,"

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ture and results. To their decision in calmer hours this subject must be referred. U

If these measures of military, political and, financial consolidation break down, their fail

The cost of carrying on the war hereafter will be increased by larger pay to our soldiers, by interest accounts, by enhanced prices of provisions, transportation and material, growing out of a depreciated currency. The proposed issue of three hundred millions of paper money under the national banking scheme, in addition to the vast sum now put out by government, will add to the inflation of prices.

ure will show the wisdom of the constitution | aggregate of State, county and town obligations. in withholding from the general government powers it cannot exercise wisely and well; and it will establish the rights of States upon a basis firm and undisputed, and will make the general government strong by confining it to one jurisdiction. In the end we shall return to principles from which we have been drifting. "In the meanwhile, we are threatened with other calamities which demand our immediate attention. The rights of the people and the restraints of the constitution can be reasserted whenever the public shall demand their restoration, but it is believed the power of the popular voice will rescue us from the calamities of national bankruptcy or national ruin, when these have befallen us. The progress of events has brought us to a point where we are compelled to contemplate these calamities and to consider how they may be averted.

"While it is a duty to state plainly my views about public affairs, I shall do so in no spirit of controversy or of disrespect for the opinions of those who differ from me. The questions of of the day are beyond the grasp of any mind to comprehend in their influence or results. We see them from different stand-points, and we reach conflicting conclusions. None but the ignorant, the bigoted, or the designing will make these differences of views occasions for reproach or contumely. The times demand outspoken discussions. When we see good and earnest men, under the influence of some absorbing sentiment, overlooking the great principles of good government, trampling upon usages and procedures which have grown with the history of liberty in the civilized world, we are warned that none of us can claim to be above the influence of passions or of prejudices. While I do not agree with those upon the one hand who insist upon an uncon ditional peace, or with those, upon the other extreme, who would use only unqualified force in putting down this rebellion, I deinand for them, what I ask for those who concur in the views which I present, a fair, dispassionate, and respectful hearing. Let not the perils of our country be increased by bigotry, by partizan passions, or by an unwillingness to allow opinions to be uttered in forms and modes in accordance with the usages of our people and the spirit of our laws.

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Conflicting views are held as to the amount of indebtedness which would cause national bankruptcy, and with regard to the length of time the war can go on without causing national ruin. All agree in this: that there is an amount of indebtedness which would overwhelm us with bankruptcy; that there is a duration of war which would bring upon us national ruin. The problem with which we have to grapple is: How can we bring this to a conclusion before such disasters overwhelm us? Those perils must be confronted

Two antagonistic theories are now before the American people for bringing to an end the destructive contest in which we are engaged. The first is that contained in the resolution adopted by Congress and approved by the President at an early day, and upon the faith of which the people of this country, without distinction of party, have furnished more than one million of men to our armies, and vast contributions to the treasure of our country.

This resolution consecrated the energies of war and the policy of the government to the restoration of the Union, the support of our up constitution. It was a solemn appeal to the civilized world that the objects thus clearly set forth justify a war which not only concerned the American people, but which also disturbed the commerce and industry of all nations.

Since the outset of the war the national administration has asked for nearly two millions of men. To keep up our armies, the average annual calls have been more than 400,000 men. In addition to the loss of life, there has been a diversion of labor from peaceful productive occupations to war, which destroys the accumulated wealth of the country.

The Secretary of the Treasury states the national debt will be sixteen hundred millions in July next. This does not include unascertained demands. In our former wars these latent claims have nearly doubled the liabilities supposed to exist during their progress. If the war should cease to-day, the national indebtedness could not fall short of two thousand millions of dollars. To this must be added the

The opposite theory prevents the return of the revolted States upon the condition of laying down their arms; it denies them a political existence which enables them to come back upon any terms; it holds that States in the revolted section of the country must be "re-established;" that the States hereafter made may or may not hold the names or boundaries of the States thus destroyed, although "it is suggested as not improper" that these names and boundaries, &c., shall be maintained.

The war, therefore, is not to be brought to an end by the submission of these States to the constitution and their return to the Union, but it must be prolonged until the South is subjugated to the acceptance, not of its duties under the constitution, but of such terms as may be dictated. Until States are thus "reestablished" it is held that there are no political organizations which can bring back the people to their allegiance; that if the nine States spoken of lay down their arms, and should return to the performance of their duties, they would not be recognized nor received. This theory designs a sweeping revolution in the section of our country now in rebellion, and the creation of a new political system by virtue of executive decrees.

Is this calculated to stop the waste of blood

and treasure? If the South is revolutionized, | sustains them. The nine States thus controlled its property devastated, its industry broken up would balance in the House of Representatives and destroyed, will this benefit the North? in the choice of President, and at all times in Those who urge the restoration of the Union the Senate. New York, Pennsylvania. Ohio, and the preservation of our constitution con- Illinois, Indiana, Massachusetts, Missouri, tend that, in addition to upholding our armies Kentucky, and Wisconsin, with a united popuand our navies, every measure of wise states-lation of 16,533,383, which is more than onemanship and conciliatory policy shall be adopted to bring this war to a successful close. Only the ends for which this war was begun should be sought; because they are the most easily attained, most beneficial when gained, and in their support the most varied, the most enlarged, and the most patriotic influences can be exerted.

Four

half of that of our whole country. The one-
tenth who would accept the proclamation for
the price of power would not only govern the
States made by Executive decrees, but they
would also govern the North. While the plan
is harsh to the body of the Southern people, it
is still more unjust towards the North.
teen hundred men in Florida would balance in
the Senate of the United States the power of
New York. Less than 70,000 voters in the
nine States named in the President's procla-
mation would wield a power sufficient to weigh
down that of the nine most populous States in
the Union.

On the other hand, it is insisted that the war shall be prolonged by waging it for purposes beyond those avowed at the outset, and by making demands which will excite a desperate resistance. A demand is made that the people of the South shall swear to abide by a proclamation put forth with reluctance, and which is We would thus have, with the nominal States objected to by a large share of northern people of Eastern and Western Virginia, a system of as unwise and unjust, as it makes no distinc- rotten boroughs which would govern the Union tion between the guilty and the innocent. and destroy the representative nature of our They are to take an oath to which no reputable government. This, in connection with existcitizen of the North of any party will sub-ing inequalities in State Representation. would scribe; that they will uphold any future proc- be a dangerous invasion of the rights of a malamations relating to slavery. They are to jority of the American people. It would enasubmit themselves to uttered and unuttered ble an administration to perpetuate its power. opinions and decrees. No longer regarding It it a fact full of significance that every the war as directed against armed rebellion, medsure to convert the war against armed reit is to be waged against people, property and bellion into one against private property and local institutions! It is held that the whole personal rights at the South, has been accompopulation within the limits of certain States panied by claims to exercise military power in are stripped of all political rights until they the loyal States of the North. are purged by Presidential clemency.

The disorganization and destruction of the South are not to save us from the cost of war. The plan for the future government of the seceded States demands the maintenance of armies and a continued drain upon the persons and property of our people. Whenever onetenth of the voters of either of these States shall submit themselves to the conditions imposed, they may form new governments with new or old names and boundaries. This inconsiderable minority is to be supported in the exercise of power by the arms and treasure of the North. There will be no motives on their part to draw the remaining population into the support of the governments thus created.There will be every inducement of power, of gain, and of ambition, to perpetuate the condition of affairs so favorable to individual purposes. It will also be for the interest of the national administration to continue this system of government, so utterly at variance with a representative policy. Is not this the same mistaken theory upon which other nations have tried to govern their dependencies? Has complete subjugation for centuries produced by the quiet, the obedience to law, the order, the security to life and property, the kindly feelings or the mutual contributions to prosperity which belong to real peace?

Governments thus formed would represent not the interest of their citizens but the wills and interests of the power that creates and

The proclamation of emancipation at the South, and the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus at the North; the confiscation of private property in the seceding States, and the arbitrary arrests, imprisonments, and banishment of the citizens of loyal States; the claim to destroy political organizations at the South, and the armed interference by government in local elections have been cotemporaneous events.

These acts at first were justified upon the ground that they were necessary to save the national existence. We now find that new and more extreme claims to arbitrary power are put forth when it is declared that the strength of the rebellion is broken, and that our armies are about to trample out every vestige of its incendiary fires. More prerogatives are asserted in the hour of triumph than were claimed as a necessity in days of disaster and of danger.

The doctrine of southern disorganization and revolution is a doctrine of national bankruptcy and of national ruin; it is a measure for lasting military despotism over one third of our country, which will be the basis for military despotism over the whole land. It does not contemplate the return of our soldiers to their families, or relief from the cost and sacrifices of war. It will make an enduring drain upon our homes, and impose crushing burthens upon our labor and industry. It will open a wide and lasting field for speculation and fraud. It

tends to perpetuate power by making and unmaking States, as the interests of factions may dictate. It will be a source of internal disorder and disquietude, and national weakness in · our external relations. It will give dangerous allies to invaders of our soil.

If this war is to make a social revolution and structural changes in great states, we have seen only its beginning. Such changes are the work of time. If they are to be made by military power, it must be exerted through long periods. Whether white or black troops are used, the diversion from labor and the cost of war will be equally prolonged, and we have just entered upon a course of certain cost and uncertain results. No such changes as are now urged have ever, in the world's history, been without struggles lasting through more than one generation of men.

What has government accemplished in the territories wrested from rebeì'in by the valor of our armies? Has it pacified them? Has it revived the arts of peace? Has quiet and confidence been restored? Is commerce renewed? Are they not held as they were conquered, at the expense of northern blood and treasure? Are not our armies wasted by holding under armed control those who, under a wise and generous spirit, would have been friends? The spirit which prompts the harsh measure of subjugation has driven off many in the border states, who, at the crisis of our country's fate, broke away from their ancient sympathies with The seceding states and clung to the Union. States which, by the elections of the people, ranged themselves upon the side of the constitution, are not allowed the free exercise of the elective franchise. In some quarters discontent has been increased; in no place has the wisdom of government gained us allies.

There is but one course which will save us from national ruin. We must adhere to the solemn pledges made by our government at the outset of the war.

We must seek to restore the Union and to uphold the Constitution. To this end, while we beat down armed rebellion, we must use every influence of wise statesmanship to bring back the states which now reject their constitutional obligations. We must hold forth every honorable inducement to the people of the South to assume again the rights and duties of American citizenship.

We have reached that point in the progress of the war, for which all have struggled and all have put forth united exertions. Our armies and navies have won signal victories; they have done their part with courage, skill and success. By the usage of the civilized world, statesmanship must now exert its influence. If our cause fails, in the judgment of the world, it will be charged to the lack of wisdom in the Cabinet, and not to the want of bravery or patriotism in the army. The great object of victories is to bring back peace; we can now with dignity and magnanimity proclaim to the world our wish that states, which have long been identified with our history, should resume their positions in the Union. We now

stand before the world a great and successful military power. No one can foresee the latent victories or defeats which lie in our course if force and force alone is to be exerted. The past has taught us the certain cost of war and the uncertainties of its results.

In this contest belligerent rights are necessarily conceded to the South. The usages of international warfare are practiced in the recognition of flags and the exchanges of prisoners. Is it wise to put off the end of the war and thereby continue a recognition which tends to familiarize the public mind in our own country, and in the world at large with the idea that we are disunited into two distinct nationalities? A needlessly protracted war becomes disunion.

Wise statesmanship can now bring this war to a close, upon the terms solemnly avowed at the outset of the contest. Good faith to the public creditors; to all classes of citizens of our country; to the world, demands that this be done.

The triumph won by the soldiers in the field should be followed up and secured by the peacemaking policy of the statesmen of the Cabinet. In no other way can we save our Union.

The fearful struggle which has taught the North and the South the courage, the endurance and the resources of our people, have made a basis of mutual respect upon which a generous and magnanimous policy can build lasting relationships of union, intercourse and fraternal regard. If our course is to be shaped by narrow and vindictive passions, by venul purposes, or by partisan objects, then a patriotic people have poured out their blood and treasure in vain and the future is full of disaster and ruin.

We should seek not the disorganization, but the pacification of that section of our country devastated by civil war.

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In this hour of triumph appeals should be made to States, which are indentified with the growth and greatness of our country, and with some of which are associated the patriotic memories of our revolutionary struggle. Every generous mind revolts at the thought of destroying all those memories that cling about the better days of the Republic, that are connected with the sacrifices of the men who have made our history glorious by their services in the Cabinet, in the forum, and in the field.

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The victories which have given our government its present commanding position were won by men who rallied around and fought beneath the folds of a flag whose stars represent each State in our Union. If we strike out of existence a single State, we make that flag a falsehood. When we extinguish the name of any one of the original thirteen States, we dishonor the historic stripes of our national banner. Let the treasonable task of defacing our flag be left to those who war upon our government, and who would destroy the unity of our country.

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Faith in our armies and to our citizens demands that we keep sacred the solemn pledge made to our people and to the civilized world

Mr. CLAY, in a debate in the Senate, said:

when we engaged in this bloody war, "that it them up, you are gone."-[See Elliott's Dewas not waged in any spirit of oppression, or bates. for any purpose of conquest or subjugation, or purpose of overthrowing or interfering with the rights of established institutions in those states, but to defend and maintain the supremacy of the Constitution, and to preserve the Union with all the dignity, equality, and rights of the several states unimpaired; and that as soon as these objects are accomplished the war ought to cease." HORATIO SEYMOUR.

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THE PURSE AND THE SWORD.

The chief objection of PATRICK HENRY to the ratification of the Constitution, was what he feared would be the yielding of the purse and sword to the President. In a speech in the Virginia Convention he thus replied to a member who attempted to show that the President could never obtain control of the purse and sword under our constitution:

"Let him tell me candidly, where and when did freemen exist when the purse and the sword were given up from the people? Unless a miracle in human affairs interposed, no nation ever retained its liberty after the loss of the purse and the sword. Can you prove by any argumentative deduction that it is possible to be safe without one of them? If you give

"The two most important powers of civil government are those of the purse and the sword. If they are seperate, and exercised by different responsibe Departments, civil liberty is safe, but if they are united in the hands of one individual, they are gone."

FREE SPEECH ABOLISHED.

We have seen, as another link in the chain of despotism now forging for the people, that free speech is no longer tolerated, except as it may suit the pleasure or whim of the President or some of his appointees.

Senator T. O. Howe in his celebrated Ripon (Wis.) speech said:

"I reply that if free speech be stifled upon any one subject the Union is already absolutely and inevitably lost!"

This is none the less true because Senator Howe now upholds a dynasty that has stricken down free speech-mobbed and destroyed a free press, and claims the right to annihilate both at pleasure,

PETTY DESPOTISM.

The Abolitionists gave to the Democrats the vile nickname of "Copperheads." Finding that such nickname might be typical of "Liberty," they began to wear badges made of the old copper cent, with the profile of WASHINGTON on one side and the word "Liberty" on the other. This badge had nothing to do with the Southern cause-it represented no idea in connection with it, nor did it manifest the least sympathy for that cause, but the radicals, ever ready to summon an excuse for their despotic conduct, chose to say that the Copperhead badge was an emblem of "disloyalty." The "Government," as in other small matters, joined in with the low grade of cheap politicians and gave orders to arrest all who should be found wearing one of the liberty heads. The following, as a sample, we clip from the Chicago Tribune of April, 1863:

"At Cairo, several wearers of Copperhead badges have been arrested, to be dealt with. It has passed beyond a pleasantry, and those who so mark themselves, will find that they are marked for examination! "

The following was telegraphed to the Associated Press:

"CAIRO, April 16, 1363. "Nine persons were arrested here this evening for wearing the Copperhead badge.”

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