teration, and for misbranding; the dealer is not denied the right to adulterate his product, if no harmful substance be used, but he is denied the right to offer it as the genuine article. The public must know what it is buying, being given the privilege of determining whether it wishes to buy adulterated food and drugs or not.

The legislation, however, has forced all misbranded articles out of the trade, and along with them the self-advertised frauds. Thus, although indirectly, under the efficient application of the law by Secretary of Agriculture Wilson, and chief of the bureau of chemistry, Dr. Wiley, results have been gained almost as salutary as would have come from making adulteration of any sort primarily a criminal offense. To the end of 1908, 135 cases were brought to trial in none of which was there a decision adverse to the government.

Similar in intention, and passed at the same time, was the act providing for a rigid inspection of cattle slaughtered for food. The provisions respecting adulteration and misbranding were also applied in this law, and common carriers were subjected to heavy penalties for transporting such commodities. Several States had passed pure food legislation prior to the agitation of 1905-6, but by the end of the year 1907, 26 had passed pure food acts, the majority of which were modeled upon the Federal law.

The passing of these laws upon a

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basis of more or less uniformity was a phase of a movement toward uniformity of State legislation which had long been deemed desirable. One of the movements tending most strongly toward this result was the conference of State governors called together at the instance of President Roosevelt, May May 13-15, 1908. The prime object of this conference was to consider plans for the conservation of national resources, and grew out of a convention of the Inland Waterways Commission, with which the President took a trip of inspection down the Mississippi during October, 1907. The conference met in Washington, 40 States being represented by their respective governors. This was remarkable as the first gathering of the kind ever attempted, and its success probably means the injection of a new force into the national civic life. The first meeting confined itself strictly to the subject of conservation, but the possibility of coöperation of the States upon that topic, it is reasonable to suppose, will lead to coöperation on other subjects and future conferences will doubtless extend the scope and purpose of the organization so far as is consonant with the provision of the Constitution denying individual States the right to enter into agreements not authorized by Congress.

As a corollary to the conference of governors, and in response to a suggestion made at the time, President Roosevelt appointed, June 3, 1908,

the National Conservancy Commission. The objects of the commission, as stated by Henry Gannett, the geographer of the Coast and Geodetic Survey, are: 1st. To collect and systematize information regarding national resources; 2d, to disseminate this information; 3d, to shape State and national legislation to carry out the ends of conservation.

In 1905 it became known that there was dissatisfaction in Porto Rico, and in November a petition from the citizens of the island was forwarded to the President asking that the people of Porto Rico be given a greater share in the government of the same. Later (January 15, 1906), Mayor Todd of San Juan appeared before the House Committee on Insular Affairs, and asked that an elective council be granted the island, protesting, at the same time, against the control of Porto Rico being vested in officials from the States. As the result of these protests, a bill was drawn up by the House committee recommending that United States citizenship be extended to the Porto Ricans. This appeared to be an act of mere justice to a people whose position was anomalous, to say the least. The citizens of this dependency had, not without reason, cause of bewilderment, for while they were declared by the Commissioner-General of Immigration to be aliens (August 2, 1902 a decision supported by the Supreme Court) they were, on the other hand declared by the treaty

of Paris, to be living upon "territory of the United States." Moreover, the Supreme Court had declared them subject to taxation on commodities exported to the United States, like any foreign nation. The legislation legislation establishing the exact status of this dependency, has, however, yet to be enacted.

Meanwhile the course of events in Cuba had not been as smooth and tranquil as had been anticipated when the reins of government were placed in the hands of Cuban officials. President Palma had conducted his office in a creditable and praiseworthy manner during his first term and in 1905 was again nominated by the Moderate party for the presidency. He was elected and again inaugurated in May, 1906, but the Liberal party charged that the Moderates had practiced gross frauds, bribery, intimidation, and illegal voting in the elections. After the inauguration the opposing party exhibited bitter animosity towards the government, and the insurrectionary spirit gradually gained headway until the smoldering flame of revolution broke out and resulted in armed clashes between the adherents of the two factions. By August the strife had assumed the aspect and proportions of a civil war. Palma several times requested intervention on the part of the United States but President Roosevelt declined to act until the state of affairs should prove to be beyond the control of the Cuban government.

tained the assistant secretaries of the government under the Palma régime and had requested that all foreign representatives remain at their posts at least until such time as peace and tranquillity might be restored and the government placed in order.

On October 13 Charles E. Magoon succeeded Taft as provisional governor and on the same day Taft and Bacon returned home. On taking office Governor Magoon set forth his authority for the act in a proclamation in which, among other things, he outlined the policy he would pursue towards Cuba as follows:

"The policy declared and the assurances given by Secretary Taft will be strictly adhered to and carried out. As Provisional Governor I shall exercise the powers and perform the duties provided for by the third article of the appendix to the Constitution of Cuba for the preservation of Cuban independence and the protection of life and property. As soon as it proves consistent with the attainment of these ends I shall seek to bring about the restoration of the ordinary agencies and methods of government under the other and general provisions of the Cuban Constitution. All the provisions of the Constitution and laws which for the time being would be inconsistent with the exercise of the powers provided for by the third article of the appendix must be deemed to be in abeyance. All the other provisions of the Constitution and laws continue in full force and effect."

Aside from a few attempts to prolong the disorder throughout the island, the work of pacification was speedily accomplished and peaceful conditions were rapidly restored. A number of Cuban congressmen, however, caused the trouble. They had failed to resign their seats though sufficiently broad hints had been given them that such a course of action on their part would

governor some

be gratifying and acceptable to the provisional government. The gov

ernor was, however, finally compelled on December 2 to summon these men to his residence and notify them that those seats that had been filled at the election of 1905 would be declared vacant the next day by a decree issued with the authority and at the direction of President Roosevelt. Thus nearly half of the legislative body was unseated and during 1907 all legislation was affected by decree of the governor as no legislative body was in session. The Senate, however, retained its validity though it did not resume its sessions during American occupancy.

The most important work accomplished during 1907 was the taking of a census upon which to base the elections for municipal, state and national officials and in order that after such elections had taken place the government might again be restored to the Cubans. The census was begun on October 1, completed on November 14, and the results published a short time afterwards. Upon the basis of this census the elections were ordered for November 14, 1908 and in March José Miguel Gomez was nominated by the Miguelista convention while the other faction of the Liberal the Zayista party -nominated Alfredo Zayas for the same office. The latter, however, subsequently withdrew his nomination and the two factions formed a coalition, choosing Gomez for president and Zayas for

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vice-president. The

Conservative nominations were Mario Y. Menocal and Rafael Montoro for the presidency and vice-presidency respectively. The elections were comparatively orderly and lawful and resulted in the success of the Liberal candidates.

Arrangements were then made for the evacuation of the island by the United States troops, so that every vestige of American authority might have disappeared by January 28, 1909, when the inauguration was to occur; but this was later found to be impracticable and about 3,000 troops still remained when the inauguration took place. It was also determined to pay all debts incurred by the provisional government prior to this date before the inauguration, thus launching the new government upon its career under the most auspicious circumstances. This also was only partially accomplished. The inauguration took place on January 28, 1909, and Governor Magoon immediately departed for the United States.

The organization of States out of Territories, and their admission into the Union has always proved a source of prolonged and bitter controversy. This is due to the fact that the two great parties represent, roughly, the North and South respectively, and as a new State means two new Senators, who would perhaps represent a thinly populated region, and yet have a voting power equal to those sent in behalf of older and more highly populated States, its admission is usually

delayed as long as possible unless its citizens are of the political complexion of the majority in power. If this be the case there is little difficulty unless the minority is active, not only in admitting the same, but in dividing it up into two States if conditions at all warrant. Perhaps no legislation of the kind has been more protracted and more strongly opposed than the act for the admission of Oklahoma, Indian Territory, New Mexico and Arizona. As these were all situated in the Southwest, and were strongly Democratic in their policies, it is not strange that the Republican party should hesitate before cutting down its own majority in the Senate. Nevertheless, in an act passed June 16, 1906, it was provided that Oklahoma and Indian Territory should be permitted to adopt a constitution, and be enrolled among the States on its adoption. It was also provided that Arizona and New Mexico should be permitted to vote on the question of being merged into one State, or of remaining separate. The acceptance of Oklahoma as a State was deferred by the radical nature of its constitution, tending, in some details, towards socialism. It was