He implored the Government to do nothing against these persons, who were worthless so long as they were not prosecuted. Prosecution only would give them a power which they now had not.

M. Baroche regretted that the Government could not adopt the advice of M. Ollivier. It had no desire to interfere with the other class of réunions which were alluded to, where lectures were delivered by eloquent speakers on the influence of literature, on manners, &c. Such meetings were always free. But it was impossible to deny that danger to public order existed when, in the presence of 1200 working men, speakers of a far different description, preached subversive doctrines in the style of the fish-market, and in the language of the convict prison. "If I wished to make quotations," he said, "the Chamber would be shocked at the abandoned licentiousness of the expressions, and the doctrines addressed to an excitable audience, who tolerated no contradictions and allowed of no reply." The accuracy of M. Baroche's account of the revolting language sometimes used, and of the intolerance of these places, cannot be denied. The debate ended, however, by Baron de Benoist declaring himself satisfied with the explanations of the Minister, and withdrawing his motion.

A few days afterwards the Minister of the Interior, M. Forçade de la Roquette, issued a circular with respect to the right of public meeting, in which he said, that until the present day the Government considered it a duty to confine its functions to vigilantly watching that no abuses of the newly granted liberty occurred, without even interfering with those speakers who might discuss matters legally prohibited. Nevertheless, the Government could no longer tolerate such contraventions, and intended thenceforth to repress all licence, and thereby separate from the right of free meeting those excesses which could only have a compromising tendency.

In the course of a debate in the Legislative Body in March, on the Bill relative to the army contingent, Marshal Niel, the Minister of War, said, "The reorganization of the army is nearly complete. If any pressing danger were to arise we should speedily be prepared to face it, but we are not hastening in our task because there is not any reason for our so doing. . . . . . I regret that the Opposition in their endeavours to weaken our military institutions should choose the very moment when we have before us a spectacle of countries annexed, of Powers overthrown. Our military organization is no doubt expensive, but it is the most democratic in Europe. It must not be forgotten that France, which knows no hatred, is at the same time the Power which will the least submit to insult, and that in her eyes the greatest misfortune that could happen would be to find herself outraged while unarmed. The French people would overthrow with indignation a Government that exposed it to such a disgrace." Marshal Niel's speech was loudly cheered. The amendment of the Left, demanding

that the contingent should be reduced to 89,000 men, was rejected by 195 votes against 23, and the first two clauses of the Bill under discussion were adopted.

In consequence of a proposed amalgamation between a French and a Belgian railway company, whose lines were continuous, the Belgian Chamber, apprehensive of inconvenient consequences which might ensue from French influence within Belgian territory, passed a measure prohibiting concessions of railways without the authority of the State. This caused great irritation in France, and the press of that country charged the Belgian Government with fear or dislike of France, as if a union of railway systems was the first step towards annexation. The matter was, however, afterwards amicably settled by a mixed Commission.

At a meeting of the Council of State, presided over by the Emperor, on the 23rd of March, his Majesty said,

"Gentlemen, I have felt anxious to preside this day over the Council of State in order to explain to you in what order of ideas I had placed myself in inviting the Ministers to submit to you a Bill relative to the suppression of workmen's livrets. Society in our time, all must admit, comprises many opposite elements. Do we not see, in fact, on one side, certain legitimate aspirations and just desires of improvement, and on the other subversive theories and culpable cupidities? The duty of the Government is to resolutely satisfy the first, and to firmly repudiate the second. When the present state of the greatest number is compared with what it was in the last century, there can be only congratulation for the progress obtained, the abuses destroyed, and the improvement in public manners. Nevertheless, if the social plagues of the most flourishing populations be probed, there will be discovered, under the appearances of prosperity, many unmerited grievances which call for the sympathies of all generous hearts, and many unsolved problems which solicit the co-operation of all intelligent minds. It is with such feelings that laws have been elaborated by you and adopted by the Legislative Body-some entirely philanthropical, like those of public relief, mutual aid and insurance in case of accident or death; others, authorizing the workmen to unite their savings, to oppose the solidarity of wages to that of capital, allowing them at the same time to discuss their own interests at public meetings, and, in fine, accrediting their testimony in the courts of justice. The suppression of the livrets, an act demanded above all as a moral satisfaction in order to relieve the workmen from vexatious formalities, will complete the series of measures which place such persons within the sphere of the common right, and exalt them in their own estimation. I do not suppose that in following that policy I shall dissipate all prejudices, disarm all animosities, or augment my own popularity. But of one thing I am well convinced-that I shall derive from it a fresh energy for resisting evil passions. When all useful ameliorations have been accepted, when every thing that is right and just has been done, order is maintained with the more authority that

force, in such a case, finds its support in the fact of reason and conscience being fully satisfied."

On the 7th of April, in answer to an interpellation by M. Picard in the Legislative Body, relative to bribery and corrupt practices at elections, M. Forçade de la Roquette, the Minister of the Interior, said that the Government had no intention of abandoning its system of official candidates. It would not henceforth oppose certain candidates whom formerly it was in the habit of opposing, but, on the other hand, it would not go so far as to adopt a systematic neutrality at elections. It was necessary to preserve the principle of official candidates on account of the electoral means employed by the Opposition, who seek to obtain votes by making to the electors irresponsible promises of reductions in the army and expenditure. The Government, in selecting official candidates, takes into account old ties subsisting between those it chooses and the electors. In this, the Ministers declared, is to be found the true condition of independence in the elections. After a speech by M. Emile Ollivier, the order of the day was adopted over the interpellation of M. Ernest Picard by 157 votes against 47.

In the course of a debate a few days afterwards the Marquis de Lavalette, Minister of Foreign Affairs, spoke with reference to the foreign policy of France, and said, "We have not had to pursue any special negotiations with Germany. This attitude on our part shows our sincere desire to maintain good relations, avoiding all interference whatever in affairs that are purely German. Changes such as have occurred in Germany are followed, before complete tranquillity sets in, by an intermediate period of aspirations, misunderstandings, and regrets. Time alone can mend what time has undone. This state of things is for us a motive to avoid every interference in questions in which we are not directly interested. Legitimate reasons alone could lead us to depart from this attitude of neutrality, and we do not foresee in the present situation of affairs any motive for our so doing. We respect the rights of our neighbours, and we have no cause to fear that ours will not be likewise respected. Our relations with Italy are good. The Italian Ministry has re-entered a path dictated by Conservative principles. On the other hand, the Pontifical Government is also progressing in the reconstruction of its forces; but the moment has not yet arrived for us to return, purely and simply, to the September Convention, and to evacuate the Pontifical territory." With regard to Greece, the Marquis de Lavalette showed that France had in the East but one policy-namely, that of peace, and added, "Such were the object and result of the Conference. No doubt the difficulties which gave rise to the dispute between Turkey and Greece had not been settled, but those countries have disarmed and have resorted to peaceful negotiations. Far from having humiliated Greece, the Conference afforded the grand spectacle of the whole of Europe calmly waiting several days for the decision of a small country on the question of peace or war. Greece quitted the

Conference more powerful than before, for she had inscribed upon her flag respect for the principles of international law which are in vogue among all civilized countries." M. de Lavalette rendered homage to the firmness of King George, who abided by his resolution, notwithstanding the revolutionary agitation which prevailed in Greece. The Minister of Foreign Affairs concluded as follows:-" Our foreign relations are good. We may say that peace, the object of our wishes, is neither compromised nor uncertain, and that we shall maintain it by all legitimate means. In the West we shall do, under different circumstances, that which we did to preserve peace in the East. A fearful responsibility would attach to whomsoever, giving way to national susceptibilities, should hurl two great nations one against the other. The policy of France is the policy of peace-a policy which we shall uphold with the aid of the great powers of the State, and with the help of Almighty God." The Marquis de Lavalette resumed his seat amid much cheering from all parts of the House. M. Jules Favre rose to express satisfaction at the declarations of the Minister of Foreign Affairs. M. Thiers also thanked the Government for its statement with regard to Germany, and added, "The sentiment in favour of Confederation tends to reawaken in Germany, since there has been a conviction prevalent that France harbours no thought of interference. must let this Confederation movement take its course. The slightest stir on the part of France would suffice to check it. If successful, however, it may repair the disasters which the past three years have brought upon Europe, and especially upon France."

We

The following characteristic letter was addressed by the Emperor on the 12th of April to the Minister of State, M. Rouher ::

"Palace of the Tuileries, April 12, 1869. "Monsieur le Ministre,-On the 15th of August next a hundred years will have elapsed since the Emperor Napoleon was born. During that long period many ruins have been accumulated, but the grand figure of Napoleon has remained upstanding. It is that which still guides and protects us-it is that which, out of nothing, has made me what I am.

"To celebrate the centenary date of the birth of the man who called France the Great Nation, because he had developed in her those manly virtues which found empires, is for me a sacred duty, in which the entire country will desire to join. In my opinion the best way to honour that national jubilee is to spread a little comfort among the Emperor's old companions in arms.

"The 2,700,000f. which the Legion of Honour distributes to them every year is insufficient to assure their existence.

"I have thought that the Caisse des Dépôts et des Consignations. might be made to distribute larger pensions to those old soldiers, by abandoning to it the credit granted by the Chamber during a number of years, necessary for the recovery of its advances. By that means aid will be efficaciously afforded to glorious misfortunes, without in any way modifying the provisions of the Budget.

"My desire is that from the 15th of August next every soldier of the Republic and of the First Empire should receive an annual pension of 250f.

"The Legislative Body, I have no doubt, will receive this proposal with the national feeling by which it is so eminently animated. It will think, as I do, that in a period when complaints are made of the progress of scepticism, to reward examples of patriotic devotedness and to recall them to the memory of the younger generations cannot but be of great utility.

"To awaken grand historical recollections is to encourage faith in the future; and to do honour to the memory of great men is to recognize one of the most striking manifestations of the Divine will.

"I beg you to come to an understanding with the Ministers of Finance and of my Household for the preparation of a Bill, and for its presentation, without delay, to the Legislative Body, after having taken the opinion of the Council of State.

"Whereupon, Monsieur le Ministre, I pray God to have you in His holy keeping.

"NAPOLEON."

The Legislative Session came to an end on the 26th of April, and with it expired the Chamber elected in 1863. The decree of dissolution was read, and the country began to busy itself with the new elections.

We will quote some passages from a few of the addresses of the candidates, as they will show the direction of the different currents of political views in France.

M. Cornelius de Witt, a son-in-law of M. Guizot, said that while cherishing grateful recollections of the long years of peace, prosperity, and liberty which France enjoyed under former Governments, "he belongs to a generation which is not bound by ties of honour to any past Government; which thinks, above all, of the present and the future; and which is disposed to support every Government that is capable of securing the liberty and happiness of the nation." M. de Witt did not refuse to the Emperor the praise of having introduced reforms "which allow the country to exercise, by its representatives, a decisive action on its own destinies."

The Duke Decazes-son of the Prime Minister of Louis XVIII., and Grand Referendary of the Chamber of Peers under the Orleans Government-told the electors of the Gironde,

"We have no wish to subvert any thing; we respect our institutions, but, conscientiously and honestly, we aspire to improve them and to complete them; and as we frankly demand what is good, we accept it frankly also, we do not menace thrones or dynasties; we do not contemplate revolutions, for we know too well what they cost; we desire to preserve them, and we alone can succeed in doing so, because we alone have the necessary inde