equally radical commitments of two regular Democratic Congressional candidates in Northern Illinois, even in 1850- both these candidates being personal friends of Douglas, both later helped by him to Federal offices, and both to-day supporting him. He also cited “a set of resolutions passed by a Democratic State Convention in Judge Douglas's own good old State of Vermont, that," said Lincoln, “I think ought to be good for him, too"-resolutions declaring that "liberty is a right inherent and inalienable in man, and that herein all men are equal"; that slavery should be prohibited in the Territories and abolished in the District of Columbia; "that no more slave States should be admitted into the Federal Union," and "that the Government ought to return to its ancient policy, not to extend, nationalize, or encourage, but to limit, localize, and discourage slavery."

He also gave considerable time to exposing the inconsistencies to which Douglas had committed himself by his answer to the second Freeport question, and subsequently added a fifth question — touching a vital point:

Question 5. If the slave-holding citizens of a United States Territory should need and demand Congressional legislation for the protection of their slave property in such Territory, would you, as a member of Congress, vote for or against such legislation?

Noticing some bantering remarks of Douglas at Joliet, after the Freeport meeting, Lincoln continued:

There is another thing . . . that alarmed me very greatly as he states it that he was going to "trot me down to Egypt." Thereby he would have you to infer that

I would not come to Egypt unless he forced me — that I could not be got there, unless he, giant-like, had hauled me down there. That statement he makes, too, in the teeth of the knowledge that I had made the stipulation to come down here, and that he himself had been very reluctant to enter into the stipulation. . . . Why, I know this people better than he does. I was raised just a little east of here. I am a part of this people. But the Judge was raised further north, and perhaps he has some horrid idea of what this people might be induced to do. But really I have talked about this matter perhaps longer than I ought, for it is no great thing, and yet the smallest are often the most difficult things to deal with.

The most interesting part of the closing speech of Douglas at Jonesboro was the reply to Lincoln's fifth question — with its preceding bit of autobiography:

Mr. Lincoln attempts to cover up and get over his Abolitionism by telling you that he was raised a little east of you, beyond the Wabash in Indiana, and he thinks that makes a mighty sound and good man of him on all these questions. I do not know that the place where a man is born or raised has much to do with his political principles. The worst Abolitionists I have ever known in Illinois have been men who have sold their slaves in Alabama and Kentucky, and have come here and turned Abolitionists whilst spending the money they got for the negroes they sold, and I do not know that an Abolitionist from Indiana or Kentucky ought to have any more credit because he was born and raised among the slave-holders. . . . True, I was not born out West here. I was born away down in Yankee land, I was born in a valley in Vermont, with the high mountains around me. I love the old green mountains and valleys of Vermont, where I was born, and where I played in my childhood. I went up to visit them some seven or eight years ago for the first time for twenty-odd years. When I got there they treated me very kindly. They invited me to the Commencement of their college, placed me on the seats with their distinguished guests, and conferred upon me the degree of LL.D. in Latin (Doctor of Laws) the same as they did

old Hickory, at Cambridge, many years ago, and I give you my word and honor I understood just as much of the Latin as he did. When they got through conferring the honorary degree, they called upon me for a speech, and I got up with my heart full and swelling with gratitude for their kindness, and I said to them: "My friends, Vermont is the most glorious spot on the face of this globe for a man to be born in, provided he emigrates when he is very young." I emigrated when I was very young. I came out here when I was a boy, and I found my mind liberalized, and my opinions enlarged when I got on these broad prairies, with only the heavens to bound my vision, instead of having them circumscribed by the little narrow ridges that surrounded the valley where I was born. But I discard all flings of the land where a man was born. I wish to be judged by my principles, by those great public measures and constitutional principles upon which the peace, the happiness and the perpetuity of this Republic now rest.

Mr. Lincoln has framed another question, propounded it to me, and desired my answer. It is as follows: "If the slave-holding citizens of a United States Territory should need and demand Congressional legislation for the protection of their slave property in such Territory, would you, as a member of Congress, vote for or against such legislation?" I answer him that it is a fundamental article in the Democratic creed that there should be non-interference and non-intervention by Congress with slavery in the States or Territories. Mr. Lincoln could have found an answer to his question in the Cincinnati platform, if he had desired it. The Democratic party have always stood by that great principle of non-interference and non-intervention by Congress with slavery in the States and Territories alike, and I stand on that platform now.

The matter was to be heard from further in a certain convention, ere long to assemble at Charleston, South Carolina. The Senator's answer, like that to Lincoln's second question at Freeport, found record in the Southern note-book.

The champions had their fourth encounter three

days later at Charleston, in Coles County. The audience was a very large one, and after requesting that "as profound silence be observed as possible," Lincoln said:

While I was at the hotel to-day an elderly gentleman. called upon me to know whether I was really in favor of producing a perfect equality between the negroes and white people. While I had not proposed to myself on this occasion to say much on that subject, yet as the question was asked me I thought I will occupy perhaps five minutes in saying something in regard to it. I will say then that I am not, nor ever have been, in favor of bringing about in any way the social and political equality of the white and black races - that I am not, nor ever have been, in favor of making voters or jurors of negroes, nor of qualifying them to hold office, nor to intermarry with white people; and I will say in addition to this that there is a physical difference between the white and black races which I believe will forever forbid the two races living together on terms of social and political equality. And inasmuch as they can not so live, while they do remain together there must be the position of superior and inferior, and I as much as any other man am in favor of having the superior position assigned to the white race. I say upon this occasion I do not perceive that because the white man is to have the superior position the negro should be denied everything. I do not understand that because I do not want a negro woman for a slave, I must necessarily want her for a wife. My understanding is that I can just let her alone. I am now in my fiftieth year, and I certainly never have had a black woman for either a slave or a wife. So it seems to me quite possible for us to get along without either making slaves or wives of negroes. I will add to this that I have never seen, to my knowledge, a man, woman or child who was in favor of producing a perfect equality, social and political, between negroes and white men.

The remainder of the speech must have been rather a surprise, inasmuch as Lincoln, having the opening, devoted his time chiefly to a question that had arisen between Senators Trumbull and Douglas during this

canvass, concerning the latter's action in regard to certain Kansas-Nebraska legislation, and about matters growing out of this controversy. It had become an angry wrangle, in which harsh words had been used, and Lincoln came to the support of Trumbull with documentary evidence. Douglas, disconcerted and angry, made a reply that was evidently not very satisfactory to himself, and presently turned to his story of the two parties" prior to 1854." Nor is there in Lincoln's rejoinder any new matter that is specially memorable.

The fifth discussion was at Galesburg, in a more northern latitude, on the 7th of October. Douglas had the opening, and plied his flail with the usual vigor to the oft-beaten straw. He was aggressive and adroit, making one of his ablest speeches to an audience more largely in sympathy with his opponent than he had faced at the last two meetings. Lincoln began by saying: "A very large portion of the speech which Judge Douglas has addressed to you has previously been delivered and put in print." cheered, but he continued: hit upon the Judge at all. rupted, I was going to say that such an answer as I was able to make to a very large portion of it had already been more than once made and published."

The audience laughed and "I do not mean that for a If I had not been inter

I make these remarks [he continued] for the purpose of excusing myself for not passing over the entire ground that the Judge has traversed. I believe the entire records of the world, from the date of the Declaration of Independence up to within three years ago, may be searched in vain for one single affirmation, from one single man, that the negro was not included in the Declaration of Independence; I think I may defy Judge Douglas to show that