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nia are ours by treaty; but for all the purposes of this argument, we have acquired them by conquest. To assert, therefore, that they have the right to legislate over all subjects to prohibit Slavery, despite the consent of the United States-is to say that, by our conquest of them, they become invested with rights superior to those of Congress. The institution of Slavery is guaranteed by the Constitution of the United States, and it has the same protection thrown around it which guards our citizens against the granting of titles of nobility or the establishment of religion; therefore Congress would be as much bound to veto an act of Territorial legislation prohibiting it, as an act violating these rights of every citizen of the Republic.

a majority one by twenty members of the Committee, and a minority one by four members. which latter division included Herschel V. Johnson who, as chairman, introduced the minority report.

The two reports were discussed by various persons, Mr. Johnson defending his, and Howell Cobb, Secretary of the Treasury, acting as pacificator. The latter gentleman stated that there was "no difference in the principles enunciated Mr. Mangum. This is a free Territory (New-Mexico) I There were only two minor differences; one in both the majority and minority reports. am now speaking about. Suppose a North Carolinian emigrates to New-Mexico with his slaves? they must either be was, that the majority report indorsed the recognized as property, or not; who has the right to deter-secession from the Charleston Conventionmine that question? Mr. Johnson. I think that question has already been while the minority neither indorsed nor comdecided by the late treaty (with Mexico). Now, is not mended the action of the Georgia delegates Slavery in the United States a political as well as a muni- there." cipal institution? It is municipal, in that its entire control and continuance belong to the State in which it exists; and it is political, because it is recognized by the organic law of the Confederacy, and cannot be changed or altered by Congress, without an amendment to the Constitution; and because it is a fundamental law, that three-fifths of the slaves are represented in the National Legislature. Being political, upon the execution of the Treaty of Cession with Mexico, it extended eo instanti, over the Territories of New-Mexico and California. Then, I say, if a fellow-citizen of the Senator from North Carolina (Mr. Mangum)

were to remove with his slaves into New-Mexico, his right to their use and service is guaranteed by the Constitution of the United States, and no power on earth can deprive him of them, It is a misapplication of terms to speak of prohibiting Slavery in the territory of the United States. It already exists in contemplation of law, and the legislation proposed (prohibition) amounts to abolition.

But suppose, Mr. President, you have the right to prohibit Slavery in the Territories of the United States, what high political consideration requires you to exercise it? All must see, that it cannot be effected without producing a popular convulsion which will probably dissolve this Union.

"CAPITAL SHOULD OWN LABOR."

Mr. Herschel V. Johnson made a speech at a Democratic meeting in Philadelphia on the 17th of September, 1856, in which the newspapers report him as having said, among other things: "We believe that capital should own labor; is there any doubt that there must be a laboring class everywhere? In all countries and under every form of social organization there must be a laboring class-a class of men who get their living by the sweat of their brow; and then there must be another class that controls and directs the capital of the country."

MR. JOHNSON'S VIEWS ON POPULAR SOVEREIGNTY.

After the adjournment of the Democratic National Convention from Charleston to Baltimore a Democratic State Convention met at Milledgeville, Ga., on the 4th of June, to take action in regard to the secession of most of the Georgia delegates at Charleston. It seems that a Business Committee of 24 was appointed, of which Herschel V. Johnson was one. This Committee disagreed as to the propriety of appointing new delegates to Baltimore, the friends of the Seceders opposing and a few who preferred to see Douglas elected to a dissolution of the party, favoring that step; and the consequence was, that two reports were presented

The result was, that the majority report was adopted by a vote of 299 to 41, when the minority, under the lead of Mr. Johnson, seceded, organized another Convention and appointed a full delegation to Baltimore, who, after demanding their seats, withdrew their claims, and retired from the contest before the Convention had decided the question.

The following is the report presented to the regular Milledgeville Convention by Mr. Johnson:

MINORITY REPORT.

with the following additional propositions:
Resolved, That we reaffirm the Cincinnati Platform,

1st. That the citizens of the United States have an equal right to settle with their property of any kind, in the organized Territories of the United States, and that under the decision of the Supreme Court of the United States in the case of Dred Scott, which we recognize as the correct exposition of the Constitution in this particular, slave property stands upon the same footing as all other descriptions of property, and that neither the General Government, NOR ANY TERRITORIAL GOVERNMENT, can destroy or impair the right to slave property in the common Territories, any more than the right to any other description of property; that property of all kinds, slaves as well as any other species of property, in the Territories, stand upon the same equal and broad Constitutional basis, and subject to like principles of recognition and protection in the LEGISLATIVE, judicial and execu tive departments of the Government.

2d. That we will support any man who may be nominated by the Baltimore Convention, for the Presidency, who holds the principles set forth in the foregoing proposition, and who will give them his indorsement, and that we will not hold ourselves bound to support any man, who may be the nominee, who entertains principles inconsistent with those set forth in the above proposition, or who denies that slave property in the Territories does stand on an equal footing, and on the same Consti tutional basis of other descriptions of property.

In view of the fact that a large majority of the delegates from Georgia felt it to be their duty to withdraw from the late Democratic Convention at Charleston, thereby depriving this State of her vote therein, according to the

decision of said Convention.

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TREASON AND DISUNION AVOWFD.

The Charleston " Mercury," the recognized organ of the South Carolina Democracy, in a recent article says:

IN 1856, as now, many of the leading States-arm of southern freemen upon the Treasury and armen and editors of the Democratic party in the chives of the Government. ́(Applause.) Southern States uttered predictions of Disunion, made arguments for Disunion and very solemn threats of Disunion in case they should be beaten in the Presidential Election. Mr. Slidell, Senator from Louisiana, and the particular friend and champion of Mr. Buchanan, declared in 1856 that "if Fremont should be elected, the Union would be dissolved." Mr. Toombs, of Georgia, said "that in such an event the Union would be dissolved, and ought to be dissolved." Mr. Butler, of S. C., a leading member of the U. S. Senate and chairman of the Judiciary Committee in 1856, said:

When Fremont is elected, we must rely upon what we have a good State Government. Every Governor of the South should call the Legislature of his State together, and have measures of the South decided upon If they did not, and submit to the degradation, they would deserve the fate of slaves. I should advise my Legislature to go at the tap of the drum.

Upon the policy of dissolving the Union, of separat lishing a southern Confederacy, parties, presses, poliing the South from her northern enemies, and estab ticians, and people, are a unit. There is not a single public man in her limits, not one of her present repre sentatives or senators in Congress who is not pledged to the lips in favor of disunior. Indeed, we well remember that one of the most prominent leaders of the coope ration party, when taunted with submission, rebuked the thought by saying, "that in opposing secession, he only took a step backward to strike a blow more deadly against the Union."

In the autumn of 1856, Henry A. Wise, then Governor of Virginia, told the people of that State that-

The South could not, without degradation, submit to the election of a Black Republican President. To tell me we should submit to the election of a Black Republican, under circumstances like these, is to tell me that Virginia and the fourteen Slave States are already subjuMr. Keitt, of S. C., made a fiery speech at gated and degraded, [cheers;] that the southern people Lynchburgh, Va., in 1856 and in view of the are without spirit, and without purpose to defend the rights they know and dare not maintain. [Cheers.] If apprehended election of Col. Fremont, ex-you submit to the election of Fremont, you will prove

claimed:

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This speech was indorsed as "sound doctrine" by the Hon. John B. Floyd, of Va., now Mr. Buchanan's Secretary of War.

what Seward and Burlingame said to be true that the South cannot be kicked out of the Union.

During the Presidential campaign of 1856, the Washington correspondent of the "New Orleans Delta," a journal high in the confidence of the Pierce administration, wrote:

It is already arranged, in the event of Fremont' election, or a failure to elect by the people, to call th Mr. Preston S. Brooks was complimented for concert measures to withdraw from the Union before Legislatures of Virginia, South Carolina and Georgia his attempted (and nearly successful) assassi- Fremont can get possession of the Army and navy and nation of Senator Sumner, by an ovation at the the purse-strings of government. Governor Wise is ac hands of his constituents at which Senators But-tively at work already in the matter. The South can rely on the President in the emergency contemplated. ler, S. C., and Toombs, of Georgia, assisted. The question now is, whether the people of the South will The hero of the day, Mr. Brooks, made a speech sustain their leaders. on the occasion from which the following is an extract;

We have the issue upon us now; and how are we to meet it? I tell you, fellow-citizens, from the bottom of my heart, that the only mode which I think available for meeting it is just to tear the Constitution of the United States, trample it under foot, and form a Southern Confederacy every State of which will be a slavehold ing State. Loud and prolonged cheers) I believe it, as I stand in the face of my Maker; I believe it on my responsibility to you as your honored representative, that the only hope of the South is in the South, and that the only available means of making that hope effective is to cut asunder the bonds that tie us together, and take our separate position in the family

of nations. These are my opinions. They have always been my opinions. I have been a disunionist from the time I could think.

Now, fellow-citizens, I have told you very frankly and undisguisedly, that I believe the only hope of the South is in dissolving the bonds which connect us with the Government-in separating the living body from the dead carcass. If I was the commander of an army, I never would post a sentinel who would not swear that Slavery is right."

I speak on my individual responsibility: If Fremont be elected President of the United States, I am for the people in their majesty rising above the law and leaders, taking the power into their own hands, going by concert or not by concert, and laying the stron

At a Union meeting recently held at Knoxville, Tenn., Judge Daily, formerly of Georgia, made a violent southern speech, in the course of which he said:

During the Presidential contest, Governor Wise had addressed letters to all the southern governors, and that the one to the Governor of Florida had been shown him, in which Gov. Wise said he had an army in readed, and asking the cooperation of those to whom he iness to prevent Fremont from taking his seat if elect

wrote:

Charles J. Faulkner, formerly a Representative in Congress from Virginia, Chairman of the Democratic Congressional Committee, in 1856, and now Minister to France, at a recent Democratic meeting held in Virginia, over which ho presided, said:

When that noble and gallant son of Virginia, Henry A. Wise, declared, as was said he did in October, 1856, that if Fremont should be elected, HE WOULD SEIZE THE NATIONAL ARSENAL AT HARPER'S FERRY, how few would, at that time, have justified so bold and decided a measure? It is the fortune of some great and gifted minds to see far in advance of their contemporaries. Should William H. Seward be elected in 1860, where is the man now in our midst, who could not call for the impeachment of a Governor of Virginia who would silently suffer

that armory to pass under the control of such an Executive head?

The Richmond Enquirer, long one of the leading exponents of the Southern Democracy, in commenting on the murderous assault on Senator Sumner, said:

Sumner, and Sumner's friends, must be punished and silenced. Either such wretches must be hung or put in the penitentiary, or the South should prepare at once to quit the Union.

If Fremont is elected, the Union will not last an hour after Mr. Pierce's term expires.

If Fremont is elected, it will be the duty of the South to dissolve the Union and form a Southern Confederacy.

Let the South present a compact and undivided front. Let her, if possible, detach Pennsylvania and southern Ohio, southern Indiana, and southern Illinois, from the North, and make the highlands between the Ohio and the lakes the dividing line. Let the South treat with California; and, if necessary, ally herself with Russia, with Cuba, and Brazil.

Senator Iverson, of Georgia, in a speech made to his constituents previous to the assembling of the second session of the 36th Congress, said: Slavery must be maintained-in the Union, if pos

sible; out of it, if necessary; peaceably, if we may, forcibly if we must.

In a confederated government of their own, the Southern States would enjoy sources of wealth, prosperity, and power, unsurpassed by any nation on earth. No neutrality laws would restrain our adventurous sons. Our expanding policy would stretch far beyond present limits. Central America would join her destiny to ours, and so would Cuba, now withheld from us by the voice and votes of Abolition enemies.

During the late memorable contest for Speaker, the same Senator remarked, as follows:

Sir, I will tell you what I would do, if I had the control of the southern members of this House and the other, when you elect John Sherman. If I had control of the public sentiment, the very moment you elect John Sherman, thus giving to the South the example of insult as well as

injury, I would walk, every one of us, out of the Halls of this Capitol, and consult our constituents; and I would never enter again until I was bade to do so by those who had the right to control me. Sir, I go further than that. I would counsel my constituents instantly to dissolve all political ties with a party and a people who thus trample on our rights. That is what I would do.

In an elaborate speech delivered later in the session by the same Senator, he said:

wide earth.

the blessings of Slavery, like the religion of our Divine Master, to the uttermost ends of the earth; and, rebellious and wicked as the Yankees have been, I would even extend it to them.

Whether we can obtain the Territory while the Union lasts, I do not know; I fear we cannot. But I would make an honest effort, and if we failed, I would go out of the Union, and try it there. I speak plainly-I would make a refusal to acquire territory, because it was to be slave ter ritory, a cause for disunion, just as I would make the refusal to admit a new State, because it was to be a Slave State, a cause for disunion.

The election of Mr. Seward, or any other man of his party, is not, per se, justifiable ground for dissolving the Union. But the act of putting the Government in the hands of men who mean to use it for our subjugation, ought to be resisted, even to the disruption of every tie that binds us to the Union.

Jefferson Davis, U. S. Senator from Mississippi, in an address to the people of his State, July 6, 1859, said:

the contingency of the election of a President on the For myself, I say, as I said on a former occasion, in platform of Mr. Seward's Rochester speech, let the Union be dissolved. Let the "great, but not the greatest of evils," come.

the Senate, contemplating the possible defeat of Mr. Clay, of Alabama, in a recent speech in his party in the coming Presidential contest,

said:

I make no predictions, no promise for my State; but, in conclusion, will only say, that if she is faithful to the pledges she has made and principles she has professed-if she is true to her own interest and her own honor-if she is not recreant to all that State pride, in

tegrity and duty demand-she will never submit to your authority. I will add, that unless she and all the southern States of this Union, with perhaps but two, or, at most, three exceptions, are not faithless to the pledges they have given, they will never submit to the govern ment of a President professing yor political faith and elected by your sectional majority.

When Mr. Clay had taken his seat, Mr. Gwin, of California, made a speech in which he declared it as "the inevitable result that the South would prepare for resistance in the event of the election of a Republican President."

On the 24th of January, 1860, the Hon. Robert Toombs, of Georgia, made a violent speech in the Senate, on Mr. Douglas' Resolution directing the Judiciary Committee to report a bill for the protection of each State and Territory against invasion from any other State or Territory. Mr. Toombs commenced his speech by the announcement that the country was in the midst of civil war, adding, "I feel and know that a large body of these Senators are enemies of my country.' Mr. Toombs pro ceeded in an elaborate and vituperative speech to prove that the people of the North had violated the Constitution, by refusing to capture and return fugitive slaves to their masters in the South.

Sir, there is but one path of safety to the South; but one mode of preserving her institution of domestic Slavery; and that is a confederacy of States having no incongruous and opposing elements a confederacy of Slave States alone, with homogeneous language, laws, interests, and institutions. Under such a confederated Republic, with a Constitution which should shut out the approach and entrance of all incongruous and conflicting elements, which should protect the institution from change, and keep the whole nation ever bound to its preservation, by an unchangeable fundamental law, the fifteen Slave States, with their power of expansion, would present to the world the most free, prosperous, and happy nation on the face of the Sir, with these views, and with the firm conviction which I have entertained for many years, and which recent events have only seemed to confirm, that the "irrepressible conflict" between the two sections must and will go on, and I feel that I have no need to pledge my poor services to Sir, I have but little more to add-nothing for myself. with accumulated speed, and must end, in the Union, with this great cause-to my country. My State has spoken the total extinction of African Slavery in the southern for herself. Nine years ago a convention of her people States, that I have announced my determination to ap-met and declared that her connection with this governprove and urge the southern States to dissolve the Union ment depended upon the faithful execution of this fugitive upon the election of a Black Republican to the Presidency slave law, and her full enjoyment of equal rights in the of the United States, by a sectional northern party, and common Territories. I have shown that the one continupon a platform of opposition and hostility to southern gency has already arrived; the other waits only the sucSlavery. cess of the Republican party in the approaching Presidential election. I was a member of that convention, and stood then and now pledged to its action. I have faithfully labored to avert these calamities. I will yet labor until this last contingency happens, faithfully, honestly, and to the best of my poor abilities. When that time comes, freemen of Georgia redeem your pledge; I am ready to redeem mine. Your honor is involved-your faith is plighted. I know you feel a stain as a wound; your peace, your social system, your firesides are in

Senator Brown, of Mississippi, in a recent peech to his constituents, said:

I want Cuba; I want Tamaulipas, Potosi, and one or two other Mexican States; and I want them all for the same reason for the planting and spreading of Slavery. And a footing in Central America will powerfully aid us in acquiring those other States. Yes; I want these countries for the spread of Slavery. I would spread

Mr. Crawford, of Georgia, said:

volved. Never permit this Federal Government to | I think I speak the sentiments of my own constituents an pass into the traitorous hands of the Black Republican the State of South Carolina, when I say so. party. It has already declared war against you and your Institutions. It every day commits acts of war against you it has already compelled you to arm for your defense. Listen to "no vain babblings," to no treacherous jargon about "overt acts;" they have already been committed. Defend yourselves; the enemy is at your door; wait not to meet him at the hearthstone-meet him at the door-sill, and drive him from the temple of liberty, or pull down its pillars and involve him in a common ruin.

Senator Clingman, of North Carolina, in a recent speech, says that "there are hundreds of disunionists in the South now, where there was not one ten years ago," and that in some of the States the men who would willingly see the Union dissolved are in the majority. In considering the proper cause for disunion, Mr. Clingman continues:

In my judgment, the election of the Presidential candidate of the Black Republican party will furnish that

cause.

No other "overt act" can so imperatively demand resistance on our part as the simple election of their candidate. Their organization is one of avowed hostility, and they come against us as enemies.

The objections are not personal merely to this Senator (Mr. Seward), but apply equally to any member of the party elected by it. It has, in fact, been suggested that, as a matter of prudence, for the first election they should choose a southern free-soiler. Would the Colonies have submitted more willingly to Benedict Arnold than to Lord Cornwallis?

Mr. Curry, of Alabama, a member of the House of Representatives, in a recent speech; says:

However distasteful it may be to my friend from New York (Mr. Clark), however much it may revolt the public sentiment or conscience of this country, I am not ashamed or afraid publicly to avow that the election of William H. Seward or Salmon P. Chase, or any such representative of the Republican party, upon a sectional platform, ought to be resisted to the disruption of every tie that binds this Confederacy together. (Applause on the Democratic side of the House.)

Now, in regard to the election of a Black Republican President, I have this to say, and I speak the sentiment of every Democrat on this floor from the State of Georgia : we will never submit to the inauguration of a Black Republican President. (Applause from the Democratic benches, and hisses from the Republicans.) I repeat it, sir-and I have authority to say so-that no Democratic to the inauguration of a Black Republican President. representative from Georgia on this floor will ever submit (Renewed applause and hisses.) The most confiding of them all are, sir, for "equality in the Union or independence out of it;" having lost all hope in the former, I am for "INDEPENDENCE NOW AND INDEPENDENCE FOREVER!"

Mr. Gartrell, of the same State, said:

Just so sure as the Republican party succeeds in electing a sectional man, upon their sectional, Anti-Slavery platform, breathing destruction and death to the rights of my people, just so sure, in my judgment, the time will have come when the South must and will take an unmistakable and decided action, and that then, "he who dallies is a dastard, and he who doubts is damned." I need not tell what I, as a Southern man, will do-I think I may safely speak for the masses of the people of Georgia -that when that event happens, they, in my judgment, will consider it an overt act, a declaration of war, and meet immediately in convention, to take into consideration the mode and measure of redress. That is my position; and if that be treason to the Government, make the most of it.

Mr. McRae, formerly Governor of Mississippi, now a member of the House of Representatives, recently spoke in that body as follows:

I said to my constituents, and to the people at the capital of my State, on my way here, that if such an event did occur, while it would be their duty to determine the course which the State would pursue, it would be my privilege to counsel with them as to what I believed to be the proper course; and I said to them, what I say now, and will always say in such an event, that my counsel would be to take independence out of the Union in preference to the loss of constitutional rights, and consequent degradation and dishonor in it. That is my posi tion, and it is the position which I know the Democratic

Mr. Pugh, of the same State, made a speech party of the State of Mississippi will maintain. in the House, in which he said:

If, with the character of the Government well defined, and the rights and privileges of the parties to the compact clearly asserted by the Democratic party, the Black Republicans get possession of the Government, then the question is fully presented, whether the Southern States will remain in the Union, as subject and degraded colenies, or will they withdraw and establish a Southern Confederacy of coëqual homogeneous sovereigns?

In my judgment, the latter is the only course compatible with the honor, equality, and safety of the South; and the sooner it is known and acted upon the better for all parties to the compact.

The truest conservatism and wisest statesmanship demand a speedy termination of all association with such confederates, and the formation of another Union of States, homogeneous in population, institutions, interests, and pursuits.

Mr. Moore, of the same State, said:

I do not concur with the declaration made yesterday by the gentleman from Tennessee, that the election of a Black Republican to the Presidency was not cause for a dissolution of the Union. Whenever a President is elected by a fanatical majority at the North, those whom I represent, as I believe, and the gallant State which I in part represent, are ready, let the consequences be what they may, to fall back on their reserved rights, and say, 66 As to this Union, we have no longer any lot or part in it." Mr. Bonham, a member of the House from South Carolina, said:

As to disunion, upon the election of a Black Republican, I can speak for no one but myself and those I have here the honor to represent; and I say, without hesitation, that, upon the election of Mr. Seward, or any other man who indorses and proclaims the doctrines held by him and his party-call him by what name you please-I am in favor of an immediate dissolution of the Union. And, sir,

Mr. De Jarnette, a member of the House from Virginia, says:

Thus William H. Seward stands before the country a perjured traitor; and yet that man, with hands stained with the blood of our citizens, we are asked to elect President of the United States. You may elect him President of the North, but of the South never. Whatever the event may be, others may differ; but Virginia, in view of her ancient renown, in view of her illustrious dead, and in view of her sic semper tyrannis, will resist his authority. I have done."

Mr. Leake, also of Virginia, declares:

Virginia has the right, when she pleases, to withdraw from the Confederacy. (Applause from the Democratic benches.) That is her doctrine. We will not fight in the Union, but quit it the instant we think proper

to do so.

Mr. Singleton, of Mississippi, says: when will the South be united? You ask me when will the time (for disunion) come; It will be when you elect a Black Republican-Hale, Seward, or Chase-President of the United States. Whenever you undertake to place such a man to preside over the destinies of the South, you may expect to see us undivided and indivisible friends, and to see all parties of the South arrayed to resist his inauguration.

We can never quietly stand by and permit the control of the army and navy to go into the hands of a Black Republican President.

Gov. Letcher, of Virginia, in his recent message to the Legislature of his State, avows the rankest disunion and revolutionary sentiments. In this document, he declares that if a Republican Presiden is elected in 1860,

It is useless to attempt to conceal the fact that, in the present temper of the Southern people, it cannot be and

will not is submitted to. The "irrepressible conflict"
doctrine, announced and advocated by the ablest and
most distingu ned leader of the Republican party, is an
open declaration of war against the institution of African
Slavery, wherever it exists; and I would be disloyal to
Virginia and the South if I did not declare that the
election of such a man, entertaining such sentiments,
and advocating such doctrines, ought to be resisted by
the slaveholding States. The idea of permitting such a
man to have the control and direction of the army and
navy of the United States, and the appointment of high
judicial and executive officers, postmasters included,
cannot be entertained by the South for a moment.
The Hon. William L. Yancy, a leading and
prominent Democratic politician of Alabama,
and formerly member of Congress from that
State, wrote the following letter in 1858, which
the Washington States, a Democratic Journal,
recently published under the title of the
let Letter:"

"The bargain between Freedom and Slavery contained in the Constitution of the United States, is morally and politically vicious, inconsistent with the principles on which alone our Revolution can be justified; cruel and oppressive, by riveting the chains of Slavery; and grossly unequal and impolitic, by admitting that Slaves are at once enemies to be kept in subjection, property to be secured and returned to their owners, and persons not to be represented themselves, but for whom their masters are privileged with nearly a double share of representation;" and Whereas (to quote the language of Wm. Ellery Channing) "We in the Free States cannot fly from the shame or guilt of the Institution of Slavery, while there are provisions of the Constitution binding us to give it support. on this subject our fathers, in framing the Constitution, swerved from the right. We, their children, see the path of duty more clearly than they, and must walk in it. No blessings of the Union can be a compensation for taking part in the enslaving of our fellow-creatures;" and

Whereas (to quote the language of Josiah Quincy, Sen.), "Scar-"The arm of the Union is the very sinew of the subjection of the Slaves; it is the Slaveholder's main strength; its continuance is his forlorn hope;" and

MONTGOMERY, June 15, 1858. DEAR SIR: Your kind favor of the 15th is received

Whereas (to quote the language of Mr. Underwood, of Kentucky, as uttered on the floor of Congress), "The Dissolution of the Union, making the Ohio River and Mason and Dixon's line the boundary line, is the Dissolution of Slavery. It had been the common practice for Southern giv-men to get up on this floor and say, 'Touch this subject and we will Dissolve the Union as a remedy.' Their remedy was the destruction of the thing which they wished to save, and any sensible man could see it ;" and

I hardly agree with you that a general movement can be made that will clear out the Augean stable. If the Democracy were overthrown, it would result in ing place to a greater and hungrier swarm of flies.

The remedy of the South is not in such a process. It is in a diligent organization of her true men for prompt resistance to the next aggression. It must come in the nature of things. No national party can save us; no sectional party can ever do it. But if we could do as our fathers did-organize committees of safety all over the Cotton States (and it is only in them that we can hope for any effective movement)-we shall fire the Southern heart, instruct the Southern mind, give courage to each other, and at the PROPER MOMENT, by one organized concerted action, we can precipitate the Cotton Stites into a revolution.

Whereas (to quote the language of Mr. Arnold, of Ten nessee, on the same occasion), "The South has nothing to rely on, if the Union be Dissolved; for, supposing that Dissolution to be effected, a million of Slaves are ready to rise and strike for Freedom at the first tap of the drum :" therefore,

1. Resolved, That in advocating the Dissolution of the Union, the Abolitionists are justified by every precept of the Gospel, by every principle of morality, by every claim of humanity; that such a Union is a "Covenant with The idea has been shadowed forth in the South by Death," which ought to be annulled, and "an agreement Mr. Ruffin; has been taken up and recommended in with Hell," which a just God cannot permit to stand; and The Advertiser (Published at Montgomery. Alabama), that it is the imperative and paramount duty of all whe under the name of "League of United Southerners," who, would keep their souls from blood-guiltiness, to deliver the keeping up their old party relations on all other ques-oppressed out of the hand of the spoiler, and usher in the tions, will hold the Southern issue paramount, and will day of Jubilee; to seek its immediate overthrow by all influence parties, legislatures, and statesmen. I have no righteous instrumentalities. time to enlarge, but to suggest merely. In haste, yours, etc.,

TO JAMAS S. SLAUGHTER, Esq.

W. L. YANCEY.

The Montgomery (Ala.) Confederation thus gives the record of the leading secession delegates from the Charleston Convention from that State. It says:

No one can be deceived as to what are the objects of the Charleston Convention. Listen to what their men say:

"I want the Cotton States precipitated into a revolution."- Wm. L. Yancey.

"If I had the power, I would dissolve this Government in two minutes."-J. T. Morgan. "Let us break up this rotten, stinking, and oppressive Government."-George Gayle.

"Resistance! Resistance to death against the ernment is what we want now."-David Hubbard.

AN ANTI-SLAVERY VIEW OF DISUNION.

2. Resolved, That (to quote the language of William H. Seward) "they who think this agitation is accidental, unnecessary, the work of interested or fanatical agitators,

and therefore ephemeral, mistake the case altogether: it is an Irrepressible Conflict between opposing and enduring forces and it means that the United States must and will, sooner or later, become either entirely a Slaveholding Natior or entirely a Free Labor Nation. It is the failure to apprehend this great truth that induces so many unsuccessful attempts at final Compromise between the Free and Slave States; and it is the existence of this great fact that renders all such pretended Compromises, when made, vain and ephemeral." Therefore,

3. Resolved, That no matter how sincerely or zealously any Political Party may be struggling with side issues, in relation to Slavery, to prevent its extension, or otherwise cripple its power, while standing within the Union and Gov-attack the Institution itself, its position is morally indesanctioning its Pro-Slavery Compromises, and refusing to

The following Resolutions, prepared by Wm. Lloyd Garrison, were adopted at a Convention of the non-voting Abolitionists (better known as Garrisonians), at Albany, New-York, on the 2d of February, 1859:

fensible; it rests upon a sandy foundation; its testimonies are powerless, and its example fatal to the cause of liberty: hence we cannot give it any support.

4. Resolved, That "better a thousand times that all North America should be obliterated by a concurrence of the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, as a dead, revenging sea over buried Cities, than that we, after all our light and Liberty, should live only by removing the truth that gave us being, or should set the example to a terrified and struggling world of a Nation claiming and daring to exist Whereas (to quote the language of John Quincy Adams), only by sustained and sanctified oppression."

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