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Carolinas nearly half a million slaves have been driven by their masters in advance of the Union army. From Virginia, from Kentucky, Missouri, Arkansas, Louisiana, Mississippi, Tennessee, and North Alabama, thousands of their slaves have been driven and huddled together in the two Carolinas and Georgia ; because, if they had been left where they were, they would have joined the Northern armies. They preferred to be free men rather than slaves; they preferred to be men and women rather than chattels; they preferred freedom to chains and bondage; and just so soon as that Union army advances into the Carolinas and Georgia will the slaves rush to the standard of freedom, and fight, as they have fought, with undaunted courage for liberty and the Union. [Loud applause.]

"But how is it with the South? Why, months ago they had called out, en masse, all who were capable of bearing arms. They have raised their last army. And how as to money? Why they are in a state of absolute bankruptcy. Their money, all they have, that which they call money, according to their own estimation, as fixed and taken by themselves, one dollar of gold purchases sixteen dollars of Confederate paper, which must soon cease to circulate at any rate. The price of flour is now one hundred dollars a barrel, and other articles in like proportion. No revenue is collected, or can be. The army and the government are supported exclusively by force, by seizing the crops of farmers and planters and using them for the benefit of the so-called Confederate government. Starvation is staring them in the face. The collapse is imminent, and, so far as we may venture to predict any future event, nothing can be more certain than that before the closing of the ensuing year the rebellion will be brought entirely to a close. [Hear, hear.] We must recollect, also, that there is not a single State of the South in which a large majority of the population (including the blacks) is not now, and always has been, devoted to the Union. Why, in the State of South Carolina

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alone the blacks who are devoted to the Union exceed the whites more than one hundred thousand in number. The recent elections have all gone for the Union by overwhelming majorities, and volunteering for the army progresses with renewed vigor. For all these blessings the President of the United States invites us to render thanks to Almighty God. Our cause is that of humanity, of civilization, of Christianity. We write upon our banners, from the inspired words of Holy Writ, 'God has made of one blood all the nations of the earth.' We acknowledge all as brothers; we invite them to partake with us alike in the grand inheritance of freedom, and we repeat the divine sentiment from the Sermon on the Mount, 'Do unto others as you would have them do unto you.' [Loud cheers.] Nor let it be supposed that we, as Americans, are entirely selfish in this matter. We believe that this Union is the most sacred trust ever confided by Almighty God to man. We believe that this American Union is the best, the brightest, the last experiment of selfgovernment, and as it shall be sustained and perpetuated, or broken and dissolved, the light of liberty shall beam upon the hopes of mankind, or be forever extinguished, amid the scoffs of exulting tyrants and the groans of a world in bondage. [Loud applause.] All nations and ages will soon acknowledge that, in this contest, we have made greater sacrifices of blood and treasure in the cause of human freedom than was ever before recorded in history. We will have suppressed the most gigantic and the most wicked rebellion, a task that could have been accomplished by no other government. We have succeeded, because our institutions rest on the broad basis of the affections, the interests, and the power of the people. No other nation could bring a million of volunteers to the field-[loud cheers]-and millions more would come if necessary. As a result of this war we will extinguish slavery, we will perpetuate and consolidate the Union, we will prove that man is capable of self-government, and secure the ultimate ascendency of free

institutions throughout the world. This, therefore, is a day in which all humanity may unite with us in the hymn of praise, and the toiling millions of the earth join with us in fervent thanksgiving to Almighty God for the approaching redemption of our race from slavery and oppression. [Loud and long-continued cheering and applause.]"

Mr. Walker was not a member of the Republican party, although he supported Mr. Lincoln in 1864, but he was a patriot in the largest sense, and, like many of his school, after giving half a century of his time to his country, he died poor. A generous government ought to seize an early occasion to prove, at least in this case, that "Republics are not ungrateful."

[July 23, 1871.]


WE are all the unconscious actors and spectators in the world's theatre. The parts we play, and the scenes we applaud, are the double substance of the current attraction. In 1844 we had the drama of the Native American riots in Philadelphia; in 1854 the sensation of Know-Nothingism; and seven years later the tragedy of the rebellion. And now, at the end of another decade, the curtain rises before the New York outbreak of the 12th of July, 1871. This last is too fresh for the historian, and so we refer it to the tribunal of time, content to let its seeds work their way among the minds of men, and sure of the harvest for the right. For as the riots of 1844, and the frenzy of 1854, and the tragedy of 1861-65 were each followed by good results, so will the last sad evidence of bad passions attain its ultimate compensation. In our happy country our better nature secures the final mastery. Evil men and evil measures dominate for a while, but they are finally crushed, inevitably, and without exception.

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Leaving the authors of the rebellion to the fate they deserve, it seems to me a not inopportune task to recall some of the leaders of the excitements of 1844 and 1854. They are nearly all in their graves; but they are keenly remembered in the light of recent events. The face and form of Lewis C. Levin rise before me as I write. In this section, at least, for six years the uncontested Native American chief, he is conceded to have been the founder of his party. Born in South Carolina, on the 10th day of November, 1808, and dying in Philadelphia on the 14th of March, 1860, he was qualified for a longer career, though it may be claimed that in his day he filled a large space in the public eye. He had an immense following. Blending religious with political passions, he dominated in our conventions, electing himself and others to Congress, carrying most of the local officers in Philadelphia, and erecting in the First Pennsylvania district, now the stronghold of the very Catholics he opposed, a power that was, while it endured, really invincible. Perhaps the very ferocity of the onset of Mr. Levin and his cohorts gave the sympathy of others to the Catholics. A fervid speaker and nervous writer, he was conspicuous on the open platform, the Congressional forum, and in the public press. Some of his speeches in the House were models of popular oratory. One of his finest was that of the 2d of March, 1848, from which I take these passages:

"If Rome will not come to America, America must go to Rome! This is the new doctrine of an age of retrogressive progress. If the Pope will not establish a republic for his Italian subjects, we, the American people, must renounce all the ties of our glorious freedom, and indorse the Papal system as the perfection of human wisdom, by sending an embassador to Rome to congratulate 'His Holiness' on having made-what? The Roman people free? Oh, no! but on having made tyranny amiable; on having sugared the poisoned cake. And for this, the highest crime against freedom, we are to commission an

embassador to Rome! Is there an American heart that does not recoil from the utter degradation of the scheme?

"The flood of immigration is sweeping its millions of foreign Roman Catholic voters over the land. The past is gloomy enough, the present awfully portentous-but the future is black 'with shadows, clouds, and darkness.' This country seems destined to be the grand theatre of Roman Catholic power-not American Papistry, but the Papistry of Rome, of the Old World, of Austria, and of the Pope. Shall we grow wise in time, or shall we surrender our rights without resistance? Shall we make a stand now, or a Government proposition to unite this free Republic with absolute Rome? or shall we surrender in anticipation of the day of trial, and ask the Pope, in despair, to fetter our hands before we strike a blow?

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Sir, if it be written in the black book of fate that this great Republic is yet to become a dependency of the Court of Rome, let us not hasten our infamy by any premature weakness, by any act that shall expedite our downfall or accelerate our bondage. We are now asked to become voluntary agents in enthralling ourselves; we are implored to send an embassador to Rome, to have our manacles forged in the furnaces of the imperial city, under the special care of the Holy Father, who acknowledges no human authority in matters of government, but who pleads a divine right to bow down the neck of a man in the dust and yoke him to the iron car of absolute power.

"Will gentlemen who propose to rivet this religious chain think of the future? for it is to the future that we are to look for bonds, fetters, and disfranchisement-that future which in a few years will expand our population to a hundred millions; when our wild Indian lands, embracing Oregon and the far West, shall have been settled by foreign Roman Catholics and their children, all under the guidance and control of Jesuit leaders, bound to obey their general, the Pope's nuncio, whose headquarters are to be the seat of government, and that seat of

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