Common Prayer. Another declaration his own free will, there could be no posmade by a newly-inducted minister was, sible hardship in calling upon him to dethat he would act in conformity with the clare his adherence to the doctrines which rubric in reading the services on Sun- it was one of the duties of his profession days, and on certain other days. Now, to inculcate. The noble Lord had three it was perfectly possible for a clergyman times brought the question of a reform to act formally in accordance with that in our liturgy before their Lordships, pledge without really believing or in his and, on the last occasion, had almost doctrine upholding the Book of Common stood alone. Since then the noble Lord Prayer. The real question involved in the had placed two Bills on their Lordships' noble Lord's statement appeared to him to table, with regard to one of which, he had be, Whether any profession of faith on no hesitation in saying, had it become the the part of the clergy of the Established law of the land, it would have produced Church was necessary or not? That a nothing but schism in every parish in the profession and declaration of faith was kingdom. For this reason he thought their considered necessary was evidenced by the Lordships were bound to look with great history of the early Church, and they also care at the measure which the noble Lord had in the Holy Scriptures the declaration proposed. He could not but hope that that such a profession was required. With their Lordships would reject the Bill. He these precedents, it was unnecessary for looked on it as one productive of nothing him to say more on this point. The objec- but evil, and the forerunner of greater and tion urged against this profession seemed to even more dangerous innovations. lle be this, that it fettered the ministers of the felt, as a Churchman, that he was bound Church, and imposed a chain on Christian to oppose this measure, believing conscienlabour. But surely it would be admitted tiously that some restriction ought to be that society could not be carried on without put on those who sought to become memcertain restrictions being placed upon its bers of the Established Church as minismembers; and how could the Church ters of the Gospel. He could not allow to continue, unless the duties of her minis- those gentlemen that latitude which he did ters and their obligations were defined not begrudge to the Dissenters; and so and limited by some such rules as these? long as he was spared, and had a seat in It appeared to him that the question re- their Lordships' House, he would resist solved itself into this-was it right, or not any attempt at innovation on the rules and right, that the people at large should know ordinances of the Church. It was perin what manner the ministers of religion fectly idle to say, that because the Church were restricted in respect of the doctrines was strong in the affections of the people which they promulgated? Was it neces- these restrictions should be withdrawn. sary, or not, that the congregations should That the Church was strong was owing know that the clergyman had acknow- to the fact that her bishops and her ledged his belief in the doctrines which clergy had done their duty; and it must he formally taught? Undoubtedly, if it be remembered that this declaration of were supposed that the minister did not faith had been made by the greatest orbelieve in the doctrines he taught, and naments that ever existed within its pale. did not in his heart confirm the Prayer But, strong as the Church was in the affecBook he read to them, his influence with tions of the people, it had yet insidious his congregation would be very greatly enemies within it-witness the Essays and diminished. If their Lordships looked at Reviews, the publication of which, emanatthe state of the German Protestant Church, ing as they did from ordained ministers of they would find that the latitude allowed our Church, those moreover intrusted with in it had given rise to serious and never- the education of the youth of the country, ending dissensions. Was this, he would afforded no unreasonable ground for alarm; ask, the time when the Church ought and it was, on that very ground, more into relax in its rules and discipline? For, cumbent on their Lordships not to admit although he believed that the Church any innovations which might give an adreigned pre-eminent in the affections of vantage to their attacks. For these reathe country, there were reasons why they sons he must give his strenuous opposition should be careful not to do anything tend- to the Bill now before the House. ing to impair its efficiency. Moreover, gave the noble Lord credit for the most no one was compelled to enter into holy pure and conscientious intentions, but beorders; therefore, when a man did so of lieved his views on this matter were fear He fully erroneous and mistaken. If such in- Amendment moved, to leave out "now," and insert" this day six months." was the gravity of the subject that he ventured to urge the noble Lord not to divide the House on the present occasion. The noble Lord had said that no petitions had been presented against his proposal; but that might be accounted for by the fact that it was not known throughout the country, for it was only a week ago that he (the Bishop of London) had been able to obtain a copy of the Bill. Two other Bills, which professed to have a similar object, had been introduced in the course of the Session; but this Bill was of a very different character-it was very important because it had much in it that was good, and at the same time it touched on very delicate ground. He did not think, therefore, that during the week which had elapsed since the Bill was printed the country had had a sufficient opportunity of considering what would be its probable effects. It seemed to him that their Lordships and the country should have more time for consideration before they pledged themselves to a decision on so important a matter. A few petitions had been presented on the other side, but they were from persons with whom the noble Lord co-operated. There was one very important principle which seemed to be embodied in the remarks of the noble Lord-namely, that persons ought not to make solemn declarations which did not perfectly express in their plain and obvious sense the sentiments of those who were called upon to make them. No doubt, when they received old forms of subscription prepared in days of contro THE BISHOP OF LONDON said, he ventured to present himself to their Lordships, because in this matter he felt that he, in some respects, differed from many of those with whom on all matters of importance he should desire always to concur. He confessed himself obliged to the noble Lord the proposer of the Bill, not only for the temperate way in which he had introduced it to their Lordships, but for the distinct form in which his propositions were stated. The noble Lord had reduced his attempts on this subject to very simple points; but these points, however small and simple they might appear, were of very great and grave importance. He thought it a very serious thing, to tamper with an Act of Parliament which had existed now for 200 years, notwith-versy long past, they must take them in standing the attempts made at different times to subvert it. An attempt of that kind was made only twenty-five years after the time when it was originally adopted; but it passed safely through the epoch of the Great Revolution, when many were desirous to conciliate as much as possible the Protestant Dissenters. He considered, likewise, that it was a very grave matter indeed, when they regarded this Act as not only a time-honoured Act, but as partaking of the character of a charter by which the Church and State were united. Therefore he felt gratitude, he repeated, for the plain and distinct manner in which the proposed alterations had been introduced to their Lordships, and it was with great pain and hesitation that he differed from several of those whom in a matter of this kind he should desire always to follow. So great their general sense as honest men rather than in their strict grammatical sense; but still they were always glad when there was not a single syllable which did not exactly express the conscientious views of the men who were to be bound by them. Far be it from him to say that there were any clergymen in the Church of England who did not unfeignedly assent to the Book of Common Prayer. He was convinced that those who found a difficulty in signing that declaration would very generally find an equal difficulty in using the prayers which that declaration prescribed. But they were not to judge of men's consciences as if all were alike, and he had no doubt of the truth of what the noble Lord had stated, that there were many excellent men who had been tormented by scruples with regard to the words of the existing. declaration-men whom they would desire to retain in the Church of England, but | great deal more than he said, or he wished. who, from what appeared to him unneces- for something which was scarcely worth sary scruples, had felt obliged to withdraw taking. There were numerous other defrom her communion. He called those scru- clarations, and why should a man who ples unnecessary, because he thought that made them hesitate to make this one also? there was in this matter a fallacy into which The Bill of the noble Lord, therefore, the noble Lord and persons who had written was chiefly important as enunciating an on the subject had fallen. They were told important principle that these declarathat that declaration had been inserted tions should be made as simple and as in the Act of Uniformity for the distinct plain as possible. He had also enunciated purpose of causing the Puritans to give the principle that their forms should be up their livings; and no doubt it had that divested as speedily as possible of everyeffect. But there was another clause in thing which would remind men of departed that Act which grated far more against and painful controversy. Now, it was only their consciences-a clause which was re- two Sessions ago that their Lordships had moved in 1688-a clause to which he be- agreed to expunge certain services which lieved not one of their Lordships would were painful to the feelings, because they have subscribed-that under no pretence reminded men of bitter discussions and whatsoever was it lawful for a Christian controversies long past. It would therefore man to take up arms in defence of his only be following up the same principle liberty against the civil power. He be- which had induced their Lordships to do lieved that when Baxter and others gave away with those services, if they were to up their livings they were influenced to agree that this clause, so far as it was a some extent by the clause in question; memorial of a departed controversy, should but they were influenced to a far greater also be abolished. He had heard it said that extent by the latter clause, which ac there was now more difficulty than formerly quiesced in would have made all their pre- in inducing young men of talent to enter on vious lives a lie. He thought that any holy orders. This was a more thoughtful man who calmly studied the history of the age than many which had preceded it, and times would arrive at the conclusion that he was glad that young men took more it was the two clauses united which had time to consider before they made the driven those men from their livings. It was declaration required. He should rejoice generally stated that the proposal of the to simplify the forms of declaration in noble Lord would altogether change the respect to such men; but they must subscription made by clergymen at their not magnify the principle involved. His ordination. But one reason why he was experience would not lead him to supdisposed to give his approval to the proposal pose that there was a gradual deterioration was that it would do nothing of the kind. in the qualifications of the persons taking He himself for twelve years had had to orders. His experience was that the young discharge responsible duties in the Univer- men whom he ordained this year and last sity of Oxford, and during that time he year were superior in learning and attainhad never made this declaration. He be- ments to those whom he had ordained five lieved there were instances of other right years ago. For his own part, he berev. Prelates who had never made it. lieved there never was a time when the Why, then, was every man instituted into Church of England held a more important a living called upon to make it? His ap- place in the estimation of the country. proval of the proposal was grounded on The clergy were zealous in the discharge this, that it put an end to a partial and fool- of their peculiar duties, and he doubted ish arrangement. The fact was, the decla- also whether there ever were more men ration was not to be made at ordination, nor of literary taste and sound thought who by persons in the Universities who were in- sought to enter the ministry than now. trusted with grave duties; it was simply to He believed that the same complaint was be made by a man when taking possession made in other professions. It was said of a benefice; and the distinction was pro- the young men who entered the profession bably accounted for by the fact that the of the law, or gave themselves to political persons who framed the Uniformity Act had life, were not equal to their predecessors; principally in view to turn obnoxious per- and there was a general fear lest if those sons out of their livings. The noble Lord, honoured names which had long been betherefore, would scarcely relieve as many fore the country were removed, they would as he expected; and he either meant a find no worthy successors. He had no such fears as to the clergy. He did not doubt, | abstained from addressing their Lordships that if himself and all his right rev. Brethren on the present occasion. But although he were removed to-morrow, there would be no fully agreed that more time ought to be want of properly-qualified men to fill their allowed, in order that public attention places. He saw nothing of this gradual should be drawn to this subject, still he deterioration, and he would advise the noble must own his mind was not in that state Lord not to lay too much stress on this of suspense and fluctuation with regard to argument. Whilst, therefore, it was quite the merits of the question which appeared right that they should endeavour to conci- to be the case with his right rev. Brother. liate the scruples of young men who were He therefore asked their Lordships' perdesirous of entering into holy orders, at mission to state how far he was prepared the same time they ought not to magnify to go along with the noble Lord who the importance of the change now under brought forward the measure, and at what consideration. With respect to the effect precise turning-point he felt compelled to of removing these declarations on the Dis- part company with him. He would first senters, he believed, that if not only the say that he not only gave the noble Lord declarations but also the Liturgy were the fullest credit for the purity and excelswept away, a good many Dissenters would lence of his intentions, but that he sympabe just as far from the Church of England thized with him in the general tenor of his as at present, because they announced observations. He sincerely deplored, in that the one vital question was the separa- common with the noble Lord and the mation of Church and State; and they would jority of the Christian world, the character continue to hold aloof from the Church so of the times which gave birth to the Act long as the clergy of the Establishment of Uniformity, and the spirit in which that accepted the hire and pay of the State. It act was framed. It must not, however, be was hopeless, therefore, to suppose that by forgotten that it was enacted at a period any concession of the kind now contempla- of very great excitement and reaction. ted it would be possible to conciliate these Still, he would remind their Lordships that persons. They, however, formed only a it was not the substance of the declaration to small fraction of those who separated from which objection was made, but its phraseothe Church of England, and he was hope-logy and form, which might possibly offend ful enough to believe that a day would come when a large portion of those who now dissented from the Church of England would return to it, and be gathered within its pale. He believed, that if the Church acted not hastily, but ou mature consideration, it might, without any sacrifice of principle, gradually conciliate many who now kept at a distance from its services. The day might come when that great mistake which sent the whole Wesleyan body adrift from the Church of England might be remedied, and that this body, whose great founder and leader was a minister of the Church, would return to strengthen the hands of the clergy. It might be said that he had spoken on both sides; but, as he had been forced to express his opinion at so short a notice, their Lordships would, he trusted, forgive him for the manner in which he had spoken. With regard to the Bill, he trusted that his noble Friend would wait until the country had had an opportunity of fairly considering this question. THE BISHOP OF ST. DAVID'S said, that if he could accept what had been said by his right rev. Brother as a full expression of his own sentiments, he should have some tender consciences. Undoubtedly, if their Lordships were now for the first time considering the form of declaration, he should oppose the introduction of the declaration now imposed. But this Bill was grounded on a proposition to which he for one could not assent. He was required by the Bill to assert that of the two declarations cited in the present Bill one was sufficient. It would thus be enough if a clergyman, on taking possession of any benefice, promised to conform to the Liturgy of the Church, instead of, as now, being obliged to declare his assent and consent to everything contained in the Prayer Book. This declaration was a quite different one from that required to be made on admission to holy orders; and though, if the declaration had to be prepared over again, he should not frame it in the same way, he could not admit that on such an occasion as a clergyman taking charge of a parish he should not be required to make some profession of his adhesion to the Common Prayer book. If he were not required to make some such declaration, an external and mechanical conformity with the terms of the Liturgy would be all that would be obtained. He could not but think that the effect would be to give a Parliamentary England while he held all Roman doeauthority to men conforming to rites and trine; and there were other similar cases doctrines which did not correspond with in that and in the opposite direction. their inward convictions. Therefore, how- It was true these cases were exceptional; ever much he might disapprove the terms but if all securities were abolished, they of the declaration, and might desire to see might cease to be exceptional. He also some modification introduced, he could not deprecated the initiation by Parliament of assent to the proposition of the noble Lord, measures directly or indirectly affecting which he thought would deal a heavy blow the doctrines of the Church of England, to the Church of England. He concurred and he thought that the present measure in the wish that had been expressed by did indirectly affect those doctrines. The his right rev. Brother, that the noble Lord Church had never been looked upon as would upon this occasion withdraw his Bill; liable to be dealt with by the civil Legisla but in giving utterance to that desire he ture without any voice on the part of the wished it to be understood that he did so, Church itself. In former times the voice not because he did not sympathize with of the clergy was heard in Convocation, the object, but because he believed that and the voice of the laity in Parliament; the form in which it was proposed to attain but Parliament could not be said now in any it would completely defeat that object. sense to represent the laity of the Church of England. He did not mean to say that Convocation was a satisfactory representation; but such as it was, it was the only representative, not only of the clergy, but of the Church. He did not desire to give that body greater executive power; but he thought that before any measure affecting the doctrines of the Church of England was proposed, it ought to be referred by the Crown to Convocation for their opinion, which opinion must necessarily carry much weight in the ultimate decision of Parliament. LORD LYTTELTON said, that while he felt bound to oppose the Bill, he did not wish to be understood as holding that the present declaration might not be modified with advantage to the Church; for he was inclined to think that it was drawn up in terms somewhat too stringent. He might remark, in reference to that point, that the Royal declaration prefixed to the Articles of Religion in the Prayer Book required that all who accepted that important portion of the book should accept them in their usual and literal sense. But it was a fallacy to suppose that the usual was THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY said, always the literal sense. No one could be he should deeply regret if this Motion were bound to accept in every case the words of pressed to a division, because he knew the Seriptures in their literal sense. He the extreme delicacy and difficulty of this thought the Clergy ought not to be bound subject, and how little the clergy and the to adhere to the Prayer Book in any such public were yet prepared for its decision. way as to prevent them from consider. At the same time, it was impossible to ing any amendment in its terms, the sub- have mixed much with the clerical, and stance being adhered to; and therefore what was called the religious world, withhe was willing to consider whether a de-out seeing that principles and feelings claration from the clergy that they adhered were now at work which threatened, to the substance of the Prayer Book would sooner or later, to issue in something not be sufficient. But there was a wide gulf between those views and the views which had been advocated by the noble Lord who moved the second reading. The noble Lord proposed, not a revision of the Aet of Uniformity, but the abolition of all securities to congregations that their clergy adhered to the Prayer Book. It might be said that a clergyman conforming outwardly to the Prayer Book might be assumed to agree with it in substance; but such a matter was not to be dealt with in the abstract, but according to the light of experience. Some years ago a reverend gentleman claimed the right of remaining a minister of the Church of very serious to the Church of England. It was perfectly true that for a very long time past there never was a period when that Church stood so well as it did now with the country, or in which it showed itself so active or was so safe. Nevertheless, there were springing up around her dangers of great intensity and force, and which were pushed forward by persons of great zeal and intelligence. One of the greatest of those dangers, in his mind, was the demand for what was known by the name of liturgical revision; and unless something analogous to this proposal-he would not say precisely this Bill-were adopted to satisfy tender consciences, he was con |