dent until Dec. 29th. For the correspondence which followed, see a future Chapter.

Secession gained ground

The election of Delegates Alabama Election. to the State Convention, in Alabama, came off December 24th, resulting in the choice of a large majority of unconditional Secessionists. The entire majority for secession was over fifty thousand. In many localities Union and Conservative tickets were not voted upon at all. On the same day Governor Moore issued a proclamation, convening the Legislature of that State, January 14th, to provide for any emergency which might arise from the action of the Convention, which was to meet January 7th.

On the 24th the South Carolina members of Congress (House) sent in, to the Speaker, a letter stating that, by the act of secession, their State had withdrawn from the Union, thereby dissolving their connection with the House, and that they should, accordingly, vacate their seats. The letter was signed by Messrs. John McQueen, M. L. Bonham, W. W. Boyce, and J. D. Ashmore. Mr. Keitt had previously withdrawn. The Speaker, however, directed that their names be retained on the roll and regularly called-thus failing to recognize the act of secession and the withdrawal, for that cause, of members.

Arrival of Commissioners in Washington.

The South Carolina Com. missioners, Messrs. Barnwell, Orr and Adams, arrived in Washington Dec. 26th-their mission, as before stated, being to treat with the Federal Government for a peaceful adjustment of all relations between the Government and their "Sovereign" State. The evacuation of Moultrie, by Major Anderson, not a little complicated the difficulties of their position. On the evening of their arrival a number of leading Southern men were called into counsel, to arrange more fully their line of conduct. They did not, however, lay

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rapidly in Virginia, after Virginia's Defection. the movement of South Carolina became well canvassed. Under its influence numerous meetings were called, and many individuals characterized as Conservative" gave in to the programme for separate action. This was in Eastern Virginia. Western Virginia then, as later, was loyal to the Union, and took little part in affairs, except to protest against the course of the incendiaries, led by such wild and reckless spirits as Roger A. Pryor. John Minor Botts, one of the most eminent and able men that the State ever called citizen, thundered away with the Paixhan guns of his incontrovertible logic, against the "bloody heresy," the right of secession, and stood up grandly for the Union, the Constitution and the Laws. It was not reason, however, which controlled the hour; and Virginia, "Mother of Presidents," it became painfully apparent, was rapidly gliding into the arms of a paramour, who would rob her of her jewels and debase her ancient glory into the very dust.

Army and Navy Resignations.

The prospective movements in the South were canvassed excitedly in both army and navy, a large proportion of whose officers were Southern men. When attention was called to the subject it was found that the materiel of the two services would suffer severely by the defection likely to follow, since a majority of the commissions above second lieutenancies were held by Southern men, notwithstanding the proportion of population and wealth in the North was as three to one. South Carolina alone, with her fiftytwo thousand voters, was represented in the navy and army as follows, at the date under consideration, December 24th-30th.

No Compromise probable

sion or contempt. A vote was then taken in the

committee on amendments to the Constitution, pro

posed by Hon. J. J. Crittenden, and each and all of them were voted against, unanimously, by the Black Republican members of the committee.

"In addition to these facts, a majority of the Black Republican members of the committee declared distinctly that they had no guarantees to offer, which was silently acquiesced in by the other

members.

If you are deceived by them, it shall not be my fault. I have put the test fairly and frankly. It is decisive against you now. I tell you, upon the faith of a true man, that all further looking to the North

for security for your Constitutional rights in the

Union, ought to be instantly abandoned.

"It is fraught with nothing but ruin to yourselves and to your posterity. Secession, by the 4th day of March next, should be thundered from the ballotbox by the unanimous voice of Georgia, on the 2d day of January next. Such a voice will be your best guarantee for liberty, tranquillity and glory." "R. TOOMBS."

(Signed,)

This address anticipated the vote on Toombs' propositions. Although he stated that they were "treated with derision or contempt," no vote was taken upon them until Monday, Dec. 24th. His message, therefore, reflected more credit to his increased zeal for secession than for correctness of statement. The address was sent by telegraph Sunday, to influence the elections of Monday. answered its purpose most admirably, for even Mr. Stephens, the hitherto champion of the Conservatives, gave over his views and entered the field as a champion for separate and immediate action. The general assumptions of the address, in regard to the impos

It

firmed by the vote of Saturday, (Dec. 22d,) on Mr. Crittenden's resolutions [see page 90.] A dispatch, by the Associated Press reporter,

dated Dec. 23d, stated: "The Senate's Select Committee having come to no conclusion yesterday on any of the points before them, the Republicans asking further time for consideration, the most hopeful now despond, seeing no immediate prospect of an accommodation of the political differences. Mr. Crittenden, in a conversation with a friend, said that was the darkest day of his life; that he was overwhelmed with solicitude for the country, and that nothing but the affection of the people for the Union can restore peace. The extremes on the Committee are equally unyielding to concession."

The same authority also added:-"The reported recent declaration of the President elect that he will strictly adhere to the Chicago platform, has confirmed the wavering Republicans to that policy, and increased the intensity of Southern feeling." This referred to a paragraph placed at the head of the editorial column of the New York Daily Triline, Dec. 22d., which announced that Mr. Lincoln had no compromises to offer, and was understood to adhere strictly to the principles of the Chicago platform on the question of the freedom of the Territories. Mr. Wade, it would, therefore, appear, had spoken for the President elect as well as for himself, in his speech of Dec. 17th. [See pages 88-89.]

Dec. 27th, Gov. Magoffin called an extra session of the Kentucky Legislature, to meet January 17th "to consider the distracted state of the country."

The Democratic State Committee of Ilinois, on Dec. 27th, issued a call for a State Convention, to be held in Springfield on the 17th of January" to confer as to the existing national crisis, and to adopt some line of policy relative thereto."

At a Convention of "National Democrats," called by circular to meet at Albany, December 27th, forms of petitions were adopted, requesting the Legislature to repeal the Personal Liberty law of 1840, and to restore the Nine-months Slaveholding law of 1817, to be circulated in each county.

PROCEEDINGS OF

PROCEEDINGS
THIRTEEN,

Mr. Nicholson's Speech.

OF

THE Senate (Monday, December 24th) received propositions of settlement from Messrs. Pugh, Douglas, Bigler, &c., which were severally referred to the Committee of Thirteen. Mr. Nicholson, of Tennessee, having the floor, proceeded to address the Senate in reply to his colleague, Andrew Johnson, as well as to Mr. Wade. He charged upon the Republican party all responsibility for the enmity felt at the South against the Norththe Democrats of the North were in no manner censurable. The feeling commenced, in 1856, with the nomination of Fremont, when the first vital stab was given to the Union. He quoted from the platform of the Republican party in regard to Slavery in the Territories, to show that it was the basis of all sectionalism. He then quoted Mr. Fillmore's prediction that the success of such a party must cause disunion. The Republicans concede that in the States the South have a right to hold slave property, but establish a principle, in places where they have the power, which affixes a stigma on Southern men. All that the South has to rest upon is the professions of a party, whose general principle is to disregard the rights of the South outside their own States. Suppose that this party gets a majority in both Houses of Congress, they will abolish Slavery in the District of Columbia and in all the arsenals and dockyards, &c., of the South, and they will also refuse to admit new Slave States. Is it strange, then, that Southern men should begin to look out for their own interests, when, if this sectional power has dominion, it will surely progress towards the extinction of Slavery? The trouble is not so much that the Fugitive Slave law is not enforced, or the equality of the States denied, but that a

AND

principle is laid down that denies the title of Southern men to property which they claim under the Constitution-a principle which strikes at the very root of a system identified with the interest, prosperity and safety of the South. In view of this he claimed that the only safety for the South in the Union, was in Constitutional guarantees against encroachments, and a protection to Slavery in Slave sections. He would do all he could to obtain proper guarantees; but, if all failed, he would choose secession or revolution rather than acquiesce. He regretted hasty action in the South, and he thought it better to have counsel and concerted action in the Senate. He thought that an appeal from the whole South, with unanimity of sentiment, could not be resisted by the North. He regarded the policy of the extreme Southern States as dictated by a desire to awaken the sentiment of the North rather than a love of disunion per se. He thought that it was the duty of the Border States to meet in solemn consultation and present their demands to the North. But, from the course of the Republican organs, he had scarcely a ray of hope that their demands would be granted. The chief points in our demand would be the recognition of the right of property in slaves, and the right to hold them in the Territories. Although he had not much hope left, yet he preferred to try if a solemn appeal from the South to the North would not produce a good effect. Mr. Nicholson then referred to the ordinance of secession of South Carolina as the act of a sovereign State, saying that he should only aliude to it as a fact, not argue whether it was right or wrong. He argued that any resort to force by the Federal Government was equivalent to a declaration of war to South Carolina. She had absolved