fifty years passed under this (anti-slavery) Constitution show us the slaves trebling in numbers; slaveholders monopolizing the offices, and dictating the policy, of the government; prostituting the strength and influence of the nation to the support of slavery here and elsewhere; trampling on the rights of the free States, and making the courts of the country their tools. To continue this disastrous alliance longer is madness. The trial of fifty years with the best of men and the best of constitutions, on this supposition, only proves that it is impossible for free and slave States to unite on any terms without all becoming partners in the guilt, and responsible for the sin, of slavery. We dare not prolong the argument; and with double earnestness we repeat our demand upon every honest man to join in the outcry of the American Antislavery Society,- No Union with slavery."

During the sessions of the society in the following years, as has already been remarked, this was the prominent topic; and some of Mr. Phillips's best speeches were made to advocate the destruction of the American Church and Union as they then stood.

The discussion touching the question of disunion was, of course, deeply offensive to the public mind; and the speakers were often mobbed. Capt. Rynders, after

the American AntiNext year no owner

being defeated one day, turned slavery Society out of its hall. of a hall in New-York City would risk his building for the uses of the society: hence, for several years thereafter, it became necessary to hold the anniversaries in Rochester and Syracuse.

CHAPTER IX.

ERA OF THE FUGITIVE-SLAVE ACT.

James K. Polk becomes President of the United States.

The Annexation of Texas. - Origin of the "Liberty Party." - The Massachusetts Legislature of 1846.-The "Free-Soil Party." - Fleeing from Slavery. - An Outrage in Boston. - Election of Gen. Taylor. -Growth of the Free-Soil Party. - The Fugitive-Slave Bill proposed in Congress. - Debates. - Apostasy of Daniel Webster.The 7th of March Speech. — Indignation Meetings. - The Act signed by the President. -Faneuil Hall speaks. — Charles Sumner chosen Senator. The "Shadrach Case."-The "Sims Case.". Public Meetings. - Election of Franklin Pierce. - The Darkest Day in the History of the American Republic.

"Because you have your prejudices, shall there be no history written? Our task is unlike that of some recent meetings, history, not flattery."

"My idea of American civilization is, that it is a second part, a repetition, of that same sublime confidence in the public conscience and the public thought which made the groundwork of Grecian democracy."

"Who can adequately tell the sacredness and the value of free speech? Who can fitly describe the enormity of the crime of its violation? Free speech, at once the instrument, and the guaranty, and the bright, consummate flower, of all liberty."— PHILLIPS.

THE

HE election of James K. Polk to the presidency in 1844, and the annexation of Texas in the following year, largely encouraged and strengthened the pro-slavery party, both in the North and in the South. Many members of the Whig party were depressed in spirits, and had already begun to doubt the expediency

of any further contest. The sentiment, if not the action, of Massachusetts was opposed to slavery. Of course this sentiment was not always directly expressed; but then, the opinion prevailed that the antislavery cause was at least a righteous one, and that it would eventually receive its vindication. The Democratic party controlled the government: the government was under the control of slavery. The Whig party foresaw two alternatives, either to go counter to slavery, make a direct issue, and attract to its side the spirit of freedom, of progress, and of the nineteenth century, or to fall back upon the ideas of the dark ages, and to run a race with Democracy for influence. and co-operation. In the dilemma arose the "Liberty Party," -a party based on the idea that "any effective opposition to slavery politically must come from the disintegration of the old parties and the combination of their material into the new organization."

At the beginning of the session of the Massachusetts Legislature of 1846, Gov. Briggs laid before it certain resolutions concerning slavery and the action of Massachusetts, which had been adopted by the Legislature of Georgia. Henry Wilson of Natick moved that these resolutions be referred to a special committee, and offered an order that they "be instructed to report a preamble and resolution which should express in fitting terms the hostility of Massachusetts to the institution of slavery." Excitement

arose the motion was vehemently opposed by both Democrats and Whigs; a compromise was tendered, and the committee was left to act without instructions. In defending his motion, Mr. Wilson said that "we must destroy slavery, or slavery will destroy liberty." For himself, Mr. Wilson was ready to act with any man or party Whig, Democrat, abolitionist, Christian, or infidel — who would lend support to the cause of emancipation.

As the result of the annexation of Texas, the war with Mexico was declared in May, 1846. This aroused at once to action men of all political parties at the North, and changed their minds as to their duties towards slavery. In September a Whig convention assembled in Faneuil Hall, and then and there Charles Sumner and others proclaimed the divorce between conscience and cotton. Mr. Stephen C. Phillips offered some minority resolutions. Daniel Webster was brought in to talk them down, and a scene ensued which will always linger in the memories of those who were present. After this the breach in the Whig party grew wider and wider, and finally led to the formation of the Free-scil party in 1848.

Towards the close of May, 1846, the President of the United States, through the War Department, transmitted a civil request to Gov. Briggs for a regiment of infantry from Massachusetts. His Excellency issued his proclamation on the 26th of that month, calling

upon the citizen-soldiers at once to enroll themselves, and to be in readiness when the exigencies of the country should require their services. This course of the governor greatly displeased the abolitionists, inasmuch as the war was a direct consequence of the annexation of Texas; of which act, when in prospect only, he had expressed himself, three years before, in the following emphatic terms:

"We hold," says the solemn "Appeal to the People of the Free States," signed by him and nineteen other members of Congress, March 3, 1843, "we hold that the objects of this new acquisition are, the perpetuation of slavery, and the continued ascendency of the slave-power; . . . that there is no Constitutional power delegated to any department of government to authorize it; that no Act of Congress or treaty of annexation can impose the least obligation upon the several States of this Union to submit to such an unwarrantable act."

Very naturally, the conduct of the governor, directly opposed to his previous profession of opinion, merited and received a severe rebuke. On the very day the proclamation was issued, the New-England Convention began its annual session in Faneuil Hall. On the following day the meeting was held in the Melodeon, at which time Mr. Phillips arose, and introduced the following resolution :

“Resolved, That at the bar of Liberty and Humanity we impeach George N. Briggs, the author of the proclamation dated yesterday,