While the Memorandum was under discussion in the cabinet, Buchanan was compelled to acknowledge his agreement of December 9 with the South Carolina congressmen and claimed that he was now "affected by it pesonally." He pleaded: "You do not seem to appreciate that my personal honor as a gentleman is involved,"precisely what Commissioner Barnwell urged with so much vehemence. Stanton explained that such an agreement was impossible and no agreement because the President was "absolutely incapable of making or having an understanding, in writing or otherwise, that would so tie his hands as to prevent the execution of the laws." Quoting what the Duke of Wellington said to George IV., he declared that Buchanan was "not a gentleman but President of the United States, solemnly sworn to execute every law made for the protection of its property, people, and territory."

The conference broke up and the President proceeded with the draft of his reply to the commissioners, promising to make it accord with the Memorandum filed with him. But he broke the promise-censuring Major Anderson, admitting the secret bargain with the South Carolina congressmen, and confessing that his "first promptings were to order Anderson back to Moultrie."

This communication was delivered to the commissioners without the knowledge of Stanton, Black, or Holt. The commissioners. made a lengthy rejoinder to it and, on Friday, January 6, gave the entire correspondence on both sides to the public. This correspondence, together with the foregoing Memorandum-in which occurs the sentence, "THE FATAL ERROR WHICH THE ADMINISTRATION HAS COMMITTED IN NOT SENDING TROOPS ENOUGH TO HOLD ALL THE

FORTS"-places Buchanan in a position from which no historian can extricate him and fixes Stanton upon a pinnacle from which all time cannot dethrone him.

On October 3, 1863, Augustus Schell of New York inquired of Stanton in writing whether an account of the above-described cabinet meetings which Thurlow Weed had given in the London Observer was correct. He replied that it was substantially true, saying:

According to my recollection

*

Mr. Buchanan manifested

a determination to order Major Anderson back, upon the ground that it was essential to the peace of the country, and also that the movement [of Anderson from Moultrie to Sumter] was a violation of some pledge or promise of his, which he was bound to fulfil. Thompson and Floyd both

asserted repeatedly

*

*

that such a pledge had been given and during three days' debate I did not hear him [Buchanan] deny it. From the first the proposition [to order Anderson back to Fort Moultrie] received my determined hostility and that of two other members of the cabinet. * * Apprehending that the proposition would be adopted by Mr. Buchanan, my resignation was signed and ready to be delivered the instant the order should be made.

*

*

*

*

*

* The proposition to give up Fort Sumter was made by Floyd. Mr. Buchanan consulted his cabinet upon it, some of whom violently advocated it while others opposed it resolutely as a crime; and after several days' debate it was rejected. I asserted then to Mr. Buchanan, and assert now, that the surrender of Fort Sumter by the Government would have been, in my opinion, a crime equal to the crime of Arnold, and that all who participated in the act should have been hanged.

Knowing that other members of Buchanan's cabinet had been. similarly besought by Mr. Schell, Stanton submitted the reply. from which the foregoing extract is taken to Judge Holt. Holt's judgment was opposed to public discussion of the Buchanan administration by its chief participants during the progress of the war. Stanton adopted that view and did not send his reply, which was found among his papers after his death and identified by Judge Holt. Whether or not so intended, it is a terrible indictment of Buchanan, and one that never can be quashed.

CHAPTER XVII.

GIGANTIC BATTLE FOR THE UNION.

Thoroughly aroused by the thickening dangers around him, Stanton now sought the pressure of public opinion upon the President in favor of reinforcing the Southern forts and protecting Federal property in seceding States. He requested Henry Winter Davis, a representative in Congress from Baltimore, to prepare an address to the people to counteract the promise of Senator Iverson (of Georgia) that, if Maryland would secede with the other slave States, Washington should be continued as the seat of the proposed new slave government, and it appeared in the Baltimore Patriot. He also wrote to George Harding and others in Philadelphia to promote a Union mass-meeting, which was held on January 5 and attended by seven thousand citizens who adopted resolutions "heartily approving the conduct of Major Anderson, calling on the President to provide him with all the force he required for the defense of his position, and pledging themselves to protect the American flag to the last extremity."

Stanton, who had previously supplied to him a copy of the outline plans of secession,* formulated by the Southern leaders, laid a copy of the Philadelphia resolutions before the President, saying:

*First-That in the event of a rupture with the United States Government, the authorities of South Carolina, in their sovereign capacity, immediately seize the fortifications and all defenses of the State harbors;

Second-That all forts, arsenals, dock-yards, barracks, etc., belonging to the United States, situated on the Southern coast, including fortifications from Cape Henry, in Virginia, to the southermost coast borders of Texas, be immediately seized by State troops, upon the first intimation of Government coercion upon South Carolina;

Third-That the telegraph, railroad, and stage stations in the interior districts be placed under the censorship and control of duly appointed State agents in their several localities;

Fourth-That intercommunication between the Southern and Northern ports be interdicted, so far as the introduction of articles contraband of war into Southern from Northern States may be concerned;

"This is the voice of the chief men in the chief city in your State. It is the sentiment you will hear from everywhere in the North and from most of the border States." Similar meetings were held in other large cities of the North, New York excepted,* strengthening the hands of Stanton, Black, and Holt.

A secret meeting of secession leaders in Washington, held simultaneously with the Philadelphia gathering, decided against the safety of postponing the formal act of secession beyond March 4, and resolved that all the slave States should secede at once and hold a convention at Montgomery, Alabama, for the formation of a new government. They also resolved that the Southern senators and representatives should remain in their seats at Washington as long as possible to "aid in the cause of liberty" by "exposing and thwarting measures hostile to the secession movement." Senators Jefferson Davis of Mississippi, John Slidell of Louisiana, and S. R. Mallory of Florida were chosen to carry the resolutions into effect.

Thousands of rooms in Washington were engaged by Southerners "until the fourth of March," the object being, Senator Louis T. Wigfall of Texas declared, "to have our friends on the ground in case of emergency." The "emergency" contemplated was the seizure of the national capital and archives previous to the inauguration of Lincoln. The command of the enterprise was to be in the hands of Major Benjamin McCulloch of Texas, who had already surveyed the city of Washington and otherwise prepared not only for its investment, but for "subsequently repelling Northern invasion."

The date fixed for the coup d'etat was Friday, February 15, when "the count of the electoral votes was to be interrupted and

Fifth-The expatriation from the Southern States of all Northerners and others who do not recognize the right of secession, or cooperate in secession movements;

Sixth-The seizure and confiscation of all goods contraband of war; Seventh-The confiscation of the property of non-sympathizers; Eighth-The defense of the State against foreign legions, come from what quarter they may.

*On the same day (January 7) Mayor Fernando Wood sent to the council a message advocating the secession of New York City, saying she would have the "unitea support of the Southern States."

the constitutional declaration of Lincoln's election prevented." That Stanton was aware of the program is indicated in the following:

Dear Sir:

Washington, January 16, 1861.

Your kind letter was received this morning, and I thank you for the confidence and regard it expresses for myself. You are right in supposing it to be my determination to do everything in my power to preserve and maintain this Government and the constitution under which the United States have been so prosperous. The means you indicate, I agree with you, are the proper ones for this emergency; and, as far as it is possible, they will be exerted.

I have an abiding faith that this Government CANNOT BE OVERTHROWN; that it was ordained of God, and that the powers of hell cannot prevail against it.

We may have trouble; the city of Washington may be captured; but every effort will be made to prevent that catastrophe, and even if it does happen, the revolutionists will be as far as ever from accomplishing the destruction of the Government, but much nearer to their own destruction.

So far from being indifferent to your advice, any suggestion of your wisdom and experience will be thankfully received. My aim is to perform my duty in the post to which I am called, and I shall be happy of any light to guide me in the true path.

With the confidence and hope of the future, I remain,

General William Robinson.

Yours truly,

Edwin M. Stanton.

His efforts to rouse the North and rehabilitate the Government caused Henry J. Raymond to write to the New York Times: "Mr. Stanton is regarded as the backbone of the administration. He is believed to be at the bottom of the new policy of enforcing the laws which is driving out the secessionists." Thurlow Weed wrote from Washington: "While I was in the White House I looked over that new Attorney-General of ours. He is tremendous!" The correspondent (Horace White) of the New York Tribune wrote: "The marked change of policy is felt in the very air. It is Stanton."

On the 8th of January, Jacob Thompson resigned as secretary of the interior for the reason that, after the order to reinforce Major Anderson had been countermanded (on December 31) by Buchanan and a distinct promise given that no troops should be sent into the South before the subject had been considered and decided in the cabinet, Secretary of War Holt had ordered two hun