A particularly hard campaign was being waged against General R. C. Schenck, a candidate for reelection to Congress, so Stanton addressed a throng of people in his behalf at Carlisle, Ohio. Speaking of the plan of repudiating the war debt, which some of his opponents had advocated, he said:

Now, talk to such people about interest and about repudiation! Get the financiers of Wall Street, or any other street outside of Hades to cipher up how much the widow's son was worth; how much the father's boy was worth! If we repudiate, let us repudiate all. Let us level the graves of our dead soldiers; let us blot their memories from the family Bible; let us not have them prayed for at the fireside, nor in the church, nor remember them on the days of their birth, nor the days that are still held sacred all over the land!

At Pittsburg, on October 29, he met an ovation. The city turned out en masse to welcome him. His speech, occupying fortyfive minutes, aroused the greatest enthusiasm.

From Pittsburg he hastened to Philadelphia to reply to Seymour's closing effort, which he did on Saturday, October 31. That speech, as interesting reading as these pages contain, is in part, as follows:

Governor Seymour has said that our great war expenditures were unreasonable, yet he shows no other way in which the Rebellion could have been put down. The inference, therefore, is irresistible that he desired that the Rebellion should not be put down, and that every drop of blood shed, and every dollar expended he regrets as a waste and extravagance on the part of the Government.

What item of the three billions of money expended to put down this Rebellion has Seymour shown, or pretended to show, was unreasonable? He has indeed specified one item, one solitary item-misconduct of the Secretary of War. To find anything else I have performed the task-and still live-of reading all of his speeches.

Now what was the policy of the Secretary of War-for his policy and that of Horatio Seymour were directly and diametrically opposed to each other? It was to pursue the enemy to the last extremity; it was to smite him wherever he was to be found; by day and by night it was to carry forward the flag of the United States and to trample under foot the flag of the rebels; to stand by Abraham Lincoln to the last; by day and by night to be at his side, to uphold his arms, to encourage him in his efforts toward the cause of liberty, to strengthen him and support him in his hostility to the enemy, and, above all, to convince him that upon the rock of emancipation we must build our safety.

That was the policy of the Secretary of War! It is true, as Horatio Seymour declares, that if that policy had not been pursued, this war would

have been brought to a speedier close. But how? By the overthrow of the Government of the United States, by the triumph of the rebels, by the success of treason, by the destruction of the cause of liberty in this land and all over the earth. And by the blessing of God, Seymour's policy was not adopted and mine was.

As to the accusations against the Secretary of War, I rejoice in them. I would bind them upon the brows of my children, as did the Jews of old, and would leave them no other fortune than to have written on my tomb: "This man fought the rebels to the last extremity."

But it is very unkind of Horatio Seymour to accuse the Secretary of War. He has been traveling upon the Secretary's pass for two yearsthe only certificate of character he ever had the one which has been paraded by every copperhead press in the land, signed "Edwin M. Stanton." And now it behooves me to give some explanation of that certificate. I did under the circumstance just what you would have done and just as loyal men will do next Tuesday if they vote for Seymour-made a mistake! I will read to you the certificates. The first is dated on the 15th of June. It was in these words:

"To Governor Seymour: The President directs me to return his thanks, with those of the Department, for your prompt response."

That was upon the 15th day of June, 1863. Lee, with his army 100,000 strong, was moving upon the free States and marching to invade Pennsylvania. We had forces equal, perhaps, in numbers; we had confidence in our troops; but we were not willing to run any risk that could be provided against.

On the morning of the 15th day of June the Secretary of War wrote a telegram to the governor of New Jersey; also to the governor of Pennsylvania, and to the governors of all the loyal States, asking if they had troops, militia or others, that were available, that could be forwarded to Washington; because if we had these troops, veterans and trained soldiers could be withdrawn from the garrisons and sent to the front. On that same day Horatio Seymour replied that he had some troops of organized militia and without delay would forward them to Washington.

On the evening of that day, well do I remember, Abraham Lincoln and I sat side by side in the corner of the room where I saw so many anxious beats of his great heart. We were looking over the chances of the conflict. We knew that the critical hour was about to strike on the clock of time, and we looked over all to see whether our work was done; to see whether there was any point where we could strengthen the army, to insure victory or avert disaster. Telegrams came. We looked over them, and among them was a despatch from Governor Seymour promising that he would quickly forward troops. Why did that excite surprise? Why did it call for thanks from the President? To Governor Tod he explained, when the Governor asked him, "Why is it you thank a copperhead governor and render no thanks to loyal governors?" "Because they do not need it and Seymour does!"

On that night, as we sat with our hearts heavy, considering the question as to whether our duty was done, and the approaching issue of the day, Mr. Lincoln said, after expressing his surprise that Governor Seymour was

about to change the course he was pursuing toward the Government: "I think we ought to make some acknowledgment." I said, "I think so too," and so that telegram was written. It was to encourage a faint-hearted governor, placed by accident at the head of the greatest State of the Union, and to induce him to join us in laboring for the national cause.

A week from that time passed. On the 21st of June, stimulated by the patriotic ardor of the citizens of New York, unable to resist the pressure that they were making upon him in the hour when the enemy were already marching upon free soil, a few regiments came, and what was done? Another note of thanks was written to Governor Seymour in these words: "Dear Sir:

"I cannot forbear to express to you the deep obligation I feel for the prompt and candid support you have given the Government in the present emergency.

"Edwin M. Stanton."

At that time and at that hour I would have engaged to support Seymour against all men on the earth, because I thought he had sacrificed party spirit and strong prejudice, and that he was an instance where conscience and patriotism had burst the bonds of party and soared to a loftier sphere. This was on the 21st of June. Within ten days after that Horatio Seymour stood in Cooper Institute denouncing the Government, discouraging the defenders of the flag, while Meade was mowing down rebels on the blood-red hills of Gettysburg and Grant was taking the surrender of 35,000 rebels at Vicksburg.

I admit I gave this pass that Governor Seymour has been traveling on for two years, but behold Seymour's change! Look at these dates; they show exactly the conduct of Seymour. He was appealed to on the 15th of June; he answered on the 21st of June, and on the 4th of July he was at Cooper Institute denouncing the draft, and pleading for the enemy!

Upon the 4th of July, 1863, notwithstanding the conduct of Horatio Seymour, the sun of our country's glory burst forth in splendor through the dark clouds of Rebellion that had for some time overshadowed it, and the baleful exclamations of treason were scattered.

Do your duty next Tuesday, and the sun of our political glory will shine as brightly as it shone on the day of the 4th of July at Vicksburg and at Gettysburg.

Vote against Grant and darkness and gloom will settle over this country -like the pall of midnight will settle deeper and deeper over the land, over its prosperity, over the elements of national honor, over the elements of national strength-and the greatest calamity that ever befell the people will be upon us.

May Divine Providence avert the catastrophe!

CHAPTER LXVII.

A STRUGGLING WRECK-THE SUPREME BENCH.

At the close of the campaign (on November 8, 1868) Stanton wrote the following to his dearest friend, Peter H. Waston, at Ashtabula, Ohio:

On Monday evening I reached home in a state of great exhaustion from the fatigue and excitement of two vast meetings, one at Pittsburg, the other at Philadelphia. The Philadelphia reception would have been highly gratifying to a person who prizes such displays. The monster building, the Academy of Music, was jammed from roof to foundation by a throng of ladies and gentlemen and thousands were outside, waiting for an address to them. An increased vote of 5,000 in that city, and nearly 9,000 in Pittsburg shows that the throttling of Seymour did not prejudice our cause, and he was pretty thoroughly skinned from snout to tail.

I found Mrs. Stanton at home in about the same health as when I left her. The rest of my family are well, and my own health and strength improving.

I had written this far when your note informing me of the accident that had happened to you by the explosion of the silicate of soda was brought in. I hope you will not, my dear friend, give a moment's notice or care concerning me, but think only of yourself and recovery. The accident will not, I hope, interfere with your prospects concerning a patent. As I am now at home, and do not design any other absence, you can refer Stoughton to me for any aid that may be required and I may happen to be competent to give. This accident shows that we are complements to each other, both being better together than alone, for I would not have allowed you to run any risks, and you would have cured me if I could have stayed at Ashtabula instead of going to Cincinnati.

While J. W. Draper, the noted historian and scientist, was preparing his "History of the Rebellion," he asked to be supplied with facts for incorporation therein which would vindicate Stanton's administration. Stanton replied, on November 20, 1868:

While I assent to your maxim that a public officer owes something to himself in seeing that the truth is told concerning his acts, yet I have never been able to overcome the feeling that in a great contest like ours, involving the life of a nation and the welfare of a race, merely individual action is too

insignificant to waste time and labor in its vindication. Hence I have felt that it was better to bear in silence what might easily be answered or repelled without regard to the source or motive of the accusation.

It is my purpose to devote a few weeks before reentering actively upon professional labors to the arrangement of such papers as appear worthy of preservation; and whatever information they contain, or I possess, shall be at your service.

Unfortunately he made no such assortment of his papers for Professor Draper or any one else. Indeed he left very few papers valuable or otherwise.

A little later, on January 3, 1869, he wrote to Mr. Watson that he "had been better than usual the last two days," so that he "hoped to get through the winter without any more violent paroxysms of asthma." A week afterward, on January 10, mentioning politics with some freedom, he wrote thus to Mr. Watson:

I am glad to learn that your patent was issued, and I hope it is now in your possession secure against official perils. I hope you reached home in time to meet your boys, and have a full family assembly. My family are as you left them; you are still the theme of our kindest thoughts and converse. Bessie [Stanton's daughter] is anxious to be enlightened on several scientific points which she insists no one understands but you.

Politics is becoming exciting. You have doubtless noted that the Pennsylvania Railroad, Tom Scott, and Cameron, have selected a railroad attorney [John Scott, for ten years solicitor of the Pennsylvania Railroad] as senator from Pennsylvania. Morrill of Maine is beaten in caucus by Hannibal Hamlin, and Fessenden reads the handwriting on the wall. It is said that Morrill was beaten chiefly by Fessenden's support of him.*

Morgan [Edwin D. Morgan of New York] will be defeated; who will win among his opponents is uncertain. The election is said to be substantially at auction.

You and I have no lot or part in all these schemes, and can only lament their existence without power to avert their evils, and mourn such results after all the great national and patriotic sacrifices we have witnessed and shared.

My health continues to improve, and I am busy with the cases, but straitened for money. Can you do anything for me, or must I look elsewhere?

Mr. Watson happened to be with Stillman Witt of Cleveland when the foregoing request for aid was received, and permitted him to read it. Mr. Witt, for himself and associated with Amasa Stone,

*William P. Fessenden abandoned his party during the trial of President Johnson and voted with the Democrats against impeachment.