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though James W. Grimes of Iowa refused to vote against impeachment until he had received from President Johnson himself a distinct promise that, in case of acquittal, there should be no further persecution of Stanton or his friends. On this point John Francis Coyle, editor of the National Intelligencer, Johnson's organ, makes the following disclosures:

I assured Senator Grimes, and so did others for the President, that in case of failure to impeach there should be no further persecution of Secretary Stanton, but he would accept the word of no one but Johnson himself. The President was really in desperate circumstances. There was a national majority sufficient to impeach, and he was willing to make any promise that would save him. I arranged a dinner party at my residence at which President Johnson and Senator Grimes were the principal guests. At the end of the wine and walnuts the other guests withdrew and the promise necessary to secure the vote of Senator Grimes was given, and Johnson escaped by the single vote thus obtained! He kept his promise to Senator Grimes faithfully, never thereafter uttering a word against or derogatory of Mr. Stanton.

During the progress of the great trial renewed attempts were made to eject Stanton or deprive him of the use of the machinery of his office. The postmaster of Washington was instructed to deliver the mail of the War Department to General Lorenzo Thomas personally, but promptly refused to do so. Then Grant was requested to issue an order, as general-in-chief, to the heads of Departments to turn over to him all letters, records, papers, and documents in and coming into their possession, but he, too, refused to obey. Finally, to prevent honoring Stanton's requisitions, Johnson attempted to have Edmund Cooper, his friend and former private secretary, made assistant-secretary of the treasury, although there was no vacancy. The act of March 2, 1867, gave one assistant secretary of the treasury authority to sign warrants for the payment of money, and Cooper agreed, if appointed, to honor the requisitions and pay. the War Department bills of Thomas but not those of Stanton.

Thomas regularly went through the motions of meeting with the cabinet as "secretary of war." He did not, however, dare to put forth an order, sign a paper, draw salary, or issue a requisition. All of these matters were attended to by Stanton, whose power and au

were richly compensated. The funds came largely from the New York, New Orleans, Baltimore, and Philadelphia custom houses," says John Francis Coyle, editor of Johnson's organ, the National Intelligencer,

thority were fully recognized by Grant, Congress, and all the civil and military officers except the President.*

Stanton was overwhelmed by the result of the impeachment trial. He felt that the sacrifices he had made, if not in vain, were certainly not bearing proper fruit, and that failure to convict Johnson was practically conviction of himself.

Therefore, at 3 o'clock of May 26, 1868, the day on which Chief Justice Chase entered up the verdict of "Not Guilty," weak from long physical suffering and exhausted by over six years of more arduous and responsible labors than were ever accomplished by any other official on this continent, he sent his son Edwin to instruct General Townsend to take charge and possession of everything in the War Office and hold it subject to appropriate action of the Senate. He also gave to Townsend the following letter to be handed afterwards to President Johnson "relinquishing" his office:

Sir:

The resolution of the Senate of the United States of February 21 last, declaring that the President has no power to remove the secretary of war and designate any other person to perform the duties of that position ad interim, having this day failed to be supported by two-thirds of the senators present and voting on the articles of impeachment presented against you by the House of Representatives, I have relinquished charge of the War Department, and have left the same and the books, archives, papers, and property heretofore in my custody as secretary of war in care of BrevetMajor-General Townsend, the senior adjutant-general, subject to your direction.

Next morning General Thomas attempted to secure possession of the War Office keys but Townsend, on Stanton's advice, refused to give them up.

On the 29th General John M. Schofield, who, as the Senate declared, had been illegally appointed on April 23, was confirmed as secretary of war because Stanton had "relinquished" the office, and to him Townsend delivered the keys. On June 1 the Senate passed the following resolution, offered by George F. Edmunds, which was concurred in by the House on the 19th by a vote of 102 to 25:†

*Says General E. D. Townsend, who was acting adjutant-general during this trying period: "For some time President Johnson utterly ignored Mr. Stanton and would have nothing to do with General Grant. I stood on a sort of neutral ground in this triangle, receiving and executing the orders of all three without immediate reference to any."

†The following senators voted nay on the resolution of thanks: C. R. Buckalew, Pennsylvania; J. R. Doolittle, Wisconsin; J. S. Fowler, Tennes

RESOLVED BY THE SENATE (The House of Representatives concurring), That the thanks of Congress are due, and are hereby tendered, to the Honorable Edwin M. Stanton, for the great ability, purity, and fidelity to the cause of the country with which he has discharged the duties of secretary of war, as well amid the open dangers of a great Rebellion as at a late period when assailed by the opposition inspired by hostility to the measures of justice and pacification provided by Congress for the restoration of a real and permanent peace.

At the moment of relinquishing his office, Stanton's health and finances were in a more feeble condition than ever. For some time he was hardly able to leave his room. While thus prostrated he sent his son to the great banking house of Riggs and Company, in Washington, to borrow five hundred dollars on his promissory note, and the loan was refused! He was much distressed and humiliated by this refusal, his first banking in Washington having been done through, and for years his deposits and those of Mrs. Stanton having been with, Riggs and Company.

Dr. John B. Blake of the National Metropolitan Bank, being advised of the incident, offered to discount Stanton's note for five hundred dollars or any other sum, which offer was gratefully accepted.

see; J. B. Henderson, Missouri; T. A. Hendricks, Indiana; Reverdy Johnson, Maryland; T. C. McCreary, Kentucky; D. S. Norton, Minnesota; D. T. Patterson, Tennessee; E. G. Ross, Kansas; George Vickers, Maryland.

CHAPTER LXIII.

WAR OFFICE SECRETS AND EPISODES.

The furniture of Stanton's office was of the simplest kind. The only luxury was an old haircloth lounge, from which the covering was half worn. On this, during great battles or important military manœuvres, when he dared not be away from the telegraph instrument day or night, he secured a little rest. Here, too, during many an anxious night, Lincoln stretched himself while reading despatches and consulting with the Secretary.

The chairman and members of the Committee on the Conduct of the War visited Stanton every morning and other leading men of both Houses were in almost daily consultation concerning needed or pending legislation. In fact, during the war, except when appointments or favors were sought, representatives and others consulted more with Stanton than with the remainder of the administration combined.

Carpenter, the artist who spent six months at his profession in the White House, says that when Lincoln was found alone signing papers without reading them, he observed: "You see I do not read these documents. Stanton has signed them, so I know they are all right."

W. R. Allison, a veteran editor of Steubenville, Ohio, recalls that at one time Government ambulance wagons stored in Washington for service at the close of battles to remove the dead and bring away the wounded, got into private use. Stanton, observing one on the street, inquired how it came there. On being told that it was by Lincoln's permission, he instantly commanded a police captain: "These wagons may be telegraphed for at any moment. Warn every person in charge of one to return it within an hour, and if he refuses or fails, arrest him." Mr. Allison, who was a part of the administration at the time, says: "Stanton frequently issued similar orders, but there was never a protest or complaint from the White House; Lincoln knew Stanton was right."

General O. O. Howard states:

My relations with Secretary Stanton were very cordial and they remained so during all my perplexing work for freedmen and refugees. Only once do I remember anything like a difficulty and that concerned my annual report. It was in print. He seized it and said to me in his roughest manner: "Sir, I told you not to print your report before I had read it." I said stiffly, in his own tone: "Sir, I did not understand you. You directed me not to publish my report; and I have not. I have simply put it in print with my own press for your convenience."

He was standing. He quickly sat down, took off his official spectacles, and in his most affable manner said: "Why, General Howard, I thought you understood me better. Take a seat, sir, while I review your report." He then read it carefully but rapidly. On completing it he gave it back with warm thanks for its explicit and satisfactory character.

He was accustomed to tell me that certain men could not be trusted. When one of my agents suddenly betrayed me, he laughed and said: "How could you have been deceived in that man? I knew him by the company he was keeping." He watched and studied everybody.

In 1864 Representative Philitus Sawyer of Wisconsin was a delegate to the Republican national convention at Baltimore. The day before the convention met he applied to Stanton for the discharge of young Follett of Green Bay. "No," said Stanton, "I can't do it." Mr. Sawyer explained that the case was one of extreme merit. "I know it," replied Stanton, "but there are thousands of such cases. I am moving heaven and earth in order to give Grant the men he wants. Grant's case is one of extreme merit, too."

Mr. Sawyer went thence to Lincoln, who wrote on Follett's application: "Let the within discharge be made. A. Lincoln." Returning to the War Department, Mr. Sawyer found Stanton writing at a stand-up desk. "I placed the application on the desk before the Secretary," says Mr. Sawyer. "He did not look up, but wrote across the document: 'Let the within discharge be made in accordance with the President's order. E. M. S.' He knew the discharge was setting a bad precedent, and would not himself make it; but Lincoln, less rigorous, generally did as his heart dictated, right or wrong. Mr. Stanton never did anything on his own motion that he thought was not right."

Colonel J. B. Montgomery of Portland, Oregon, says that a friend, an officer, desired a certain thing done. Stanton refused, and the officer went to Lincoln. The President, after listening, said he thought the request was reasonable and should be granted. "Tell Mr. Stanton I say so," said Lincoln. The officer explained

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