In addition to the demands of the loyal press of the nation, and of the great congressional delegation, the unexpected turn which had occurred in the battle with the President was potent in determining Stanton to stay. The whole controversy had changed. The Secretary was momentarily in the background and Grant, as the only way out of his fearful broil with the President, was now urging Stanton to stay in the office from which, by the aid of the President, he had so recently been trying to oust him!

The following extraordinary letter to General P. H. Sheridan, commander of the military district of Texas, shows how completely Grant changed front and how oracular were Stanton's words in the Ashley letter:

I regret to say that since the unfortunate difference between the President and Congress the former becomes more violent with the opposition he meets with, until now but few people who were loyal to the Government during the Rebellion seem to have any influence with him. None have unless they join in the crusade against Congress, and declare their acts, the principal ones, illegal; and indeed I much fear that we are fast approaching the time when he will want to declare that body itself illegal, unconstitutional, and revolutionary.

Commanders in Southern States will take great care to see, if a crisis does come, that no armed headway can be made against the Union.

For this reason it will be very desirable that Texas should have no reasonable excuse for calling out the militia authorized by their legislature. Indeed, it should be prevented.

I write this in strict confidence, but to let you know how matters stand in my opinion, so that you may square your official action accordingly.

I gave orders quietly two or three weeks since for the removal of all arms in store in the Southern States to Northern arsenals. I wish you would see that those from Baton Rouge and other places within your command are being moved rapidly by the ordnance officers having the matter in charge.

Thus, step by step does Stanton's perfect vindication irresistibly unfold itself; but how miserably do the historians of other leading actors in that tragic field of chaos submerge his heroic services in order to mend the tortuous and unworthy records with which they are compelled to deal!

CHAPTER LXII.

IMPEACHMENT FAILS - STANTON RETIRES, OUT OF FUNDS.

In the House of Representatives Stanton's communication announcing Johnson's illegal appointment of Thomas had been referred, without debate, to the Committee on Reconstruction, which, on the following day (February 22) reported a resolution that President Johnson be impeached. Next day (Sunday) before midnight Stanton dictated to A. S. Worthington, now a distinguished attorney of Washington, ten articles of impeachment and on Monday, the 24th, the House adopted a resolution, 126 to 47, to apprise the Senate that the articles upon which the trial of impeachment must take place would be brought in at once.

The managers added article XI., which is a condensed summary of the ten articles prepared by Stanton. The whole was agreed to on March 3 and on the 5th was presented by the House to the Senate as the grand inquest of the nation, Chief Justice Chase presiding.

The articles charged the President with violating the tenure-ofcivil-office law of March 2, 1867, in attempting to eject Edwin M. Stanton from the office of secretary of war without the advice and consent of the Senate and while that body was in session; in treasonable utterances against Congress by advising the masses in public speeches that it was "no Congress" and promising, with the help of "you soldiers and people," to "kick them out"; in uttering publicly language "indecent and unbecoming" to the high office of president, etc., etc.

The trial was conducted for the President by William M. Evarts, Benjamin R. Curtis, Jeremiah S. Black, Thomas A. R. Nelson, and Henry Stanbery ;* and on behalf of the House-John A. Bingham, chairman of the managers-largely by Benjamin F. Butler, and was very ably managed. It was concluded on May 26 by a

*Mr. Stanbery resigned from the cabinet in order to defend Johnson.

The vote of the Senate, sitting as a High Court of Impeachment for the trial of ANDREW JOHNSON President of the United States,upon the 11th, 2nd and 3rd Articles.

vote of 35 to 19 that respondent was "guilty as charged." As twothirds are required to impeach-in this instance 36 to 18-Johnson escaped by a single vote!

Prior to casting the vote, failure to impeach was not supposed to be possible, as the Senate was Republican almost four to one. So certain was the country that Johnson would be convicted and deposed and that Benjamin F. Wade, as president of the Senate, would succeed him in the White House, that a new cabinet was informally selected, with Stanton as secretary of the treasury.

This movement, which became formal in Pennsylvania, led Stanton to write this characteristic letter:

Dear Sir:

War Department, April 14, 1868.

Perceiving in this morning's Chronicle that a communication has been signed by the Governor of your State, the Republican members of the legislature, and other persons, asking your recommendation for my transfer úpon a certain contingency [Johnson's conviction] to the head of the Treasury Department, I hasten to request earnestly that no such recommendation be made.

Enough of my life has been devoted to public duties.

No consideration can induce me to assume those of the Treasury Department, or continue in the War Department longer than may be required for the appointment and confirmation of my successor.

The Honorable Simon Cameron.

Yours truly,

Edwin M. Stanton.

Nine Republicans voted with the Democrats against impeachment thus: Lyman Trumbull of Illinois, E. G. Ross of Kansas, J W. Grimes of Iowa, J. S. Fowler (born in Steubenville) and D. T. Patterson of Tennessee, Wm. Pitt Fessenden of Maine, James Dixon of Connecticut, P. G. Van Winkle of West Virginia, and J. B. Henderson of Missouri.

Senator Patterson was the President's son-in-law, and could hardly escape giving a negative vote. The legislature of Missouri formally instructed Henderson to vote for impeachment, but he disobeyed; Lyman Trumbull (standing counter to public opnion in his State) and William P. Fessenden were alleged to personally dislike Stanton, and one vote was secured through a famous woman artist and sculptor.

Other votes were procured by influences not on record,* al

*"Money without limit was provided to carry on the President's side of the contest. Over $40,000 went to newspapers, and his numerous lawyers