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¹ Dip 115 War Records Adams administration affairs American antislavery April believed belligerent Bigelow blockade Britain British government Cabinet cause civil commerce commissioners Confederacy Confederate Congress constitutional contraband convention cotton Crittenden compromise Dayton declaration of Paris declared Department despatch diplomatic Drouyn de Lhuys enemies Europe European expected expressed fact favor federacy Federal force foreign Fort Lafayette Fort Pickens Fort Sumter France French friends Globe hostile instructions January Jefferson Davis letter Lincoln March ment Mexico military Minister Napoleon nations neutral Nicolay and Hay North officers opinion party peace persons Pickens political ports President proclamation proposition question recognition regard replied Republicans Russell secession secessionists Secretary seemed Senate sent sentiment Seward MSS Seward wrote ships slave slavery Slidell soon South southern speech Sumter thought Thouvenel tion Toombs treaty Trent affair troops Union United vessels Virginia Washington Weed Whig York
Page 187 - Neutral goods, with the exception of contraband of war, are not liable to capture under enemy's flag; 4. Blockades, in order to be binding, must be effective ; that is to say, maintained by a force sufficient really to prevent access to the coast of the enemy.
Page 334 - The depression of the public mind, consequent upon our repeated reverses, is so great, that I fear the effect of so important a step. It may be viewed as the last measure of an exhausted government — a cry for help ; the government stretching forth its hands to Ethiopia, instead of Ethiopia stretching forth her hands to the government.
Page 133 - Upon your closing propositions— that "whatever policy we adopt, there must be an energetic prosecution of it. "For this purpose it must be somebody's business to pursue and direct it incessantly. "Either the President must do it himself, and be all the while active in it, or "Devolve it on some member of his Cabinet. Once adopted, debates on it must end, and all agree and abide"— I remark that if this must be done, I must do it.
Page 319 - ... that this war is not waged upon our part in any spirit of oppression nor for any purpose of conquest or subjugation, nor purpose of overthrowing or interfering with the rights or established institutions of those States, but to defend and maintain the supremacy of the Constitution, and to preserve the Union with all the dignity, equality and rights of the several States unimpaired ; and that as soon as these objects are accomplished the war ought to cease.
Page 171 - As to the treatment of privateers in the insurgent service, you will say that this is a question exclusively our own. We treat them as pirates. They are our own citizens, or persons employed by our citizens, preying on the commerce of our country. If Great Britain shall choose to recognize them as lawful belligerents, and give them shelter from our pursuit and punishment, the laws of nations afford an adequate and proper remedy [and we shall avail ourselves of it.
Page 242 - I have not forgotten that, if the safety of this Union required the detention of the captured persons, it would be the right and duty of this government to detain them. But the effectual check and waning proportions of the existing insurrection, as well as the comparative unimportance of the captured persons themselves, when dispassionately weighed, happily forbid me from resorting to that defence.
Page 138 - Either the President must do it himself, and be all the while active in it, or " Devolve it on some member of his cabinet. Once adopted, debates on it must end, and all agree and abide " — I remark that if this must be done, I must do it. When a general line of policy is adopted, I apprehend there is no danger of its being changed without good reason, or continuing to be a subject of unnecessary debate; still, upon points arising in its progress I wish, and suppose I am entitled to have, the advice...
Page 248 - Whether the principle would apply to them alone, I do not feel it necessary to determine. I am not aware of any case in which that question has been agitated; but it appears to me, on principle, to be but reasonable that, whenever it is of sufficient importance to the enemy, that such persons should be sent out on the public service, at the public expense, it should afford equal ground of forfeiture against the vessel, that may be let out for a purpose so intimately connected with the hostile operations.
Page 97 - Assuming it to be possible to now provision Fort Sumter, under all the circumstances is it wise to attempt it?
Page 93 - The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the government, and to collect the duties and imposts; but beyond what may be necessary for these objects, there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere.