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A bill praying an injunction against the execution of an act of Congress by the incumbent of the presscribes him as President or as a citizen of a state. idential office cannot be received, whether it de

Taking the complainant's bill to be a correct statement of the facts, he has shown no case for the interference of the court. By his statement, 519] the contract was not intended to be left in parol; but when the parties had each examined the properties proposed to be exchanged, they contemplated to come together and perfect Argued Apr. 12, 1867. Decided Apr. 15, 1867. the exchange. If either party had delivered a deed, in execution of the "trade" or bargain,

[No. 14, Original.]

and the other refused to fulfill his part, by ON motion for leave to file a bill of complaint.

making a proper conveyance, or if valuable improvements had been made by the party in possession, there would have been a case for a decree of specific execution. As it was, the defendant declined to go on with the "trade," alleging that the plaintiff's farm was incumbered. He has given the key of the house to the complainant, which was set up as a delivery of possession, while the defendant denied any intention to make such delivery, and took forcible possession of his house. While this contest about the possession was going on, the defendant sold his house, and conveyed it to the wife of his counsel, who carried on the litigation for him before the justices, and here. The bill must fail

1. For want of clear, definite, and conclusive proofs of the contract.

2. For want of any delivery of peaceful and uninterrupted possession.

3. Or of valuable improvements made. We find no part execution on either side, nor anything but a breach of promise, and a consequent quarrel before the contract of exchange was executed.

Decree affirmed.

Messrs. W. L. Sharkey and R. J. Walker, for the motion:

Are there proper parties to this suit as complainant and defendants? The Constitution declares that "the judicial power shall extend to all cases in law and equity, arising under this Constitution, the laws of the United States, and treaties made or which shall be made under their authority." And it also declares that “in all cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers, and those in which a state is a party, the Supreme Court shall have original jurisdiction." This is a case in equity and proper for the cognizance of a court of equity, as will be shown hereafter; it arises under the Constitution and a state is party complainant. That a state may sue by original bill in the Supreme Court of the United States has been settled by

this court.

It is important, however, to consider whether the President of the United States can be made a party defendant to this bill inasmuch as there is no precedent directly to the point. Yet, it is believed the question has been virtually settled by very high authority. It is important in this connection to mark the distinction between what are called political powers and such as are ministerial. In the exercise of discre

475*] *THE STATE OF MISSISSIPPI, Compt. tionary or political powers, courts will not un

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NOTE. When injunction to restrain acts of public officers will be granted; when it will not. An injunction will be granted against public officers only to prevent a breach of trust affecting public franchises or some illegal act under color or claim of right affecting injuriously the property rights of individuals, or the public, or where serious injury will result to private individuals without corresponding public benefit, or to prevent multiplicity of suits. Mott v. Pa. R. Co. 30 Pa. 9; Green v. Green, 34 Ill. 320: Green v. Mumford, 5 R. I. 472; New London v. Brainard, 22 Conn. 553; Brown v. Trustees of Catlettsburg, 11 Bush. 435; Collins v. Ripley, 8 Clarke, 129; Cooper v. Alden, Harrings, Ch. 72; Atty. Gen. v. Forbes, 2 My. & Cr. 123; People v. Canal Board, 55 N. Y. 390; People v. Albany, 55 Barb. 344; Mohawk, etc., v. Aitcher, 6 Palge, 83; Oakley v. Trustees, 6 Paige, 262; Green v. Oakes, 17 Ill. 294.

The legislation of a municipal corporation is not subject to restraint by injunction (People v. Mayor. etc. of N. Y. 9 Abb. Pr. 253; 10 Abb. Pr. 144 19 How. Pr. 155; 32 Barb. 9); nor the action of public officers constituting inferior quasi-judicialˇtribunals such as boards of supervisors, commissioners of highways, and the like, on matters properly per

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dertake to control the action of officers, but not so with regard to ministerial duties, in the exercise of which no one is above the law, however exalted his position. Fortunately, we have neither a King, nor an Emperor, nor a Parliament, who are omnipotent, or above the Constitution.

Our Constitution declares that "the judicial power shall extend to all cases in law and equity arising under this Constitution," and thus the judiciary are made the guardians and protectors of the Constitution.

taining to their jurisdiction. Mooers v. Smedley, 6 Johns. Ch. 28; Mayor, etc. v. Meserole, 26 Wend. 132 Van Doren v. Mayor, etc. 9 Paige, 388; Livingstou v. Hollenbeck, 4 Barb. 10; Bouton v. Brooklyn, 15 Barb. 375; Gillespie v. Broas, 23 Barb. 370; Hyatt v. Bates, 40 N. Y. 164.

Where the public health is concerned, no application for an injunction will be entertained to restrain the execution of a contract tending to its preservation whatever may be the legal rights of the parties. Drydock, etc. Co. v. Mayor, etc. of N. Y. 55 Barb. 298; Hine v. City of New Haven, 40 Conn. 478 Kelsey v. King, 32 Barb. 410; aff'd, 33 How. Pr. 39.

Injunction will not be issued to prohibit person from taking possession of the books and papers of an office under color of title to the office. Updegraff v. Crans, 47 Pa. 103; Coulter v. Murray, 15 Abb. Pr. (N. S.) 129; 4 Daly, 506; Palmer v. Foley, 45 How. Pr. 110; 4 J. & Sp. 14; Hagner v. Heyberger, 7 Watts & S. 104.

Injunction will not issue to restrain any act within the discretion of a municipal corporation or its officers. Cleveland F. A. Co. v. Met. Fire Com'rs, 7 Abb. Pr. (N. S.) 49; 55 Barb. 288; Semmes v. Columbus, 19 Ga 171; McCafferty v. Glazier, 10

The President is but the creature of the Constitution, one of the agencies created by it to carry it into practical operation; and it would be strange indeed if he should be permitted to exert his agency in violating that instrument, and then claim exemption from the process of the court whose duty it is to guard it against abuses, because he is the chief executive officer of the government, and especially when he is exerting a mere ministerial duty, for that is all he does exert in executing an act of Congress; he has no discretion in the matter. The Constitution makes no distinction as to parties. The case is the criterion, no matter who is plaintiff or who defendant; and if the President be exempt from the process of the law, he is above the law. On this point, it would perhaps be sufficient to refer to the very elaborate and able decision of Chief Justice Marshall delivered on the trial of Aaron Burr. An application was made for a subpoena duces tecum to be directed to the President of the United States; and the application was resisted on the ground that the President was not amenable to the process of the court, and could not be drawn from the discharge of his duties at the seat of government, and made to attend the court sitting at Richmond. The Chief Justice drew the distinction between the President and the King of England, and held that all officers in this country were subordinate to the law and must obey its mandate and, therefore, sustained the application. The subpoena duces tecum was only a command to the President to do a particular thing. The injunction is but a command to him not to do a particular thing under a void authority. The principle is the same in the two cases, as well as the means of coercing obedience; and the reasoning of Chief Justice Marshall completely reaches and settles the question now before this court. The Constitution provides that all officers may be impeached; but this does not exonerate them from personal liability for acts done under color of office, the President as well as other officers. The whole question lies within a narrow compass. The Constitution is supreme; all officers are subordinate to the supreme law, and consequently subordinate to the command of that department whose duty it is to enforce subordination by declaring the meaning, the extent, and the limitations of the Constitution.

How. Pr. 475; 4 Abb. Pr. 57; Warfels v. Cochran, 34 Pa. St. 381.

The court has no jurisdiction to interfere with the public duties of any of the departments of the government or to override the policy of the state. Chicago v. Wright, 69 Ill. 318.

If the President be exempt, why not his cabinet officers? They all constitute but parts of the Executive Department of the Government; yet, in the case of Marbury v. Madison, 1 Cranch, 175, it was decided that the acts of the Secretary of State were the acts of the President, and that the Secretary might be subjected to the process of mandamus. Why would it not just as well lie against the President? It would be strange indeed to hold that the subordinate is liable and may be sued for acts which are the acts of his principal, and yet that the principal is not liable and cannot be subjected to the process of law. Even more recently this court has decided that officers of the executive departments are liable to the process of the court.

See Kendall v. Stokes, 12 Pet. 524; U. S. v. Guthrie, 17 How. 284, 15 L. ed. 102. The case of Ellis v. Earl Grey, 6 Sim. 214, is a leading case in England, and has been approved in this court.

In that case it was decided that the Lords of the Treasury, constituting a prominent Department of the Executive Government, might be enjoined by the Judicial Department. In that country the King is supposed to be above the law, and is the fountain of justice; yet his immediate subordinate departments are not above it. In this country the President is not above the law; it is above him, and hence he must be subject to its restraints.

The attention of the court is also invited to the decision of Chief Justice Bartley, in the case of the State of Ohio v. Salmon P. Chase, Governor, 5 Ohio St. 529. The objection was raised that a mandamus would not lie against the Governor. In delivering the opinion the Chief Justice says: "Under our system of government no officer is placed above the restraining authority of the law, which is truly said to be universal in its bequests, all paying it homage, the least as feeling its care, and the greatest as not being exempt from its power.' the Chief Executive officer of a state is liable to be controlled by the courts of the state in the discharge of ministerial duties, for much stronger reasons is the Chief Executive officer of the United States liable to be controlled by this court, under the provisions of the Federal Constitution. See, also, Hilliard on Injunctions, 374, and authorities cited.

If

An officer proceeding with a suit under authority from the court cannot be restrained by injunction. The proper method is to apply to the court for instructions to its officer. Winfield v. Bacon, 24 Barb. 154.

An injunction will not be granted claimant of an Court will restrain county treasurer from pay-office restraining payment of salary to him pending money on void bonds. Mo. etc. R. Co. v. Com'rs 12 Kan. 230; Rice v. Smith, 9 Iowa, 570; Self v. Jenkins, 71 N. C. 578.

Courts of equity will not restrain a judicial officer from transcending his jurisdiction (McIntyre v. Hernandez, 39 How. Pr. 121: 7 Abb. Pr. [N. S.] 214; Vitt v. Owens, 42 Mo. 512; Justices v. Croft, 18 Ga. 473; People v. Coffin, 7 Hun, 608); nor restrain acts of police officers in the exercise of their duty (Sterman v. Kennedy, 15 Abb. Pr. 201; Prendoril v. Kennedy, 34 How. Pr. 416; Davis V. Soc. etc. 16 Abb. Pr. [N. S.] 73; Chicago v. Wright, 69 Ill. 318); nor restrain an officer from exercising duties of an office, during pendency of a suit, to test his right to the office. Beebe v. Robinson, 52 Ala. 66; Tappan v. Gray, 9 Paige, 507; 7 Hill, 259; People v. Draper, 24 Barb. 265; People v. Mattier, 2 Abb. Pr. (N. S.) 289; State v. Jarrett, 17 Md. 309; State v. Wolpenden, 74 N. C. 103.

ing the trial of his right to the office, unless it is shown that an action at law for the salary would not avail. Colton v. Price, 50 Ala. 424.

An injunction may be granted to prevent commissioners under an act of the legislature for the purpose of creating a new county from proceeding in violation of Constitution of the state (Bradley v. Com'rs, 2 Humph. 428). If the county has been fully organized and put into operation, under the act of the legislature, a court of chancery cannot abolish it or restrain its officers from performing their functions. Ford v. Farmer, 9 Humph. 152.

A department and its agents may be restrained from doing a public work in an improper manner Avery v. Fox, i Abb. U. S. 246.

Where a town has voted to loan its surplus revenue in an illegal and unauthorized manner, the trustees may be enjoined from complying with such vote. Pope v. Halifax, etc., 12 Cush. 411.

In the case of Green v. Mumford, 5 R. I. 472 the court said, in regard to officers: "If they are departing from the power which the law has vested in them; if they are assuming to themselves a power over property which the law does not give them, this court no longer considers them as acting under their commission, but treats them as individuals."

By the same principle the President, when acting in opposition to the Federal Constitution, may be treated as an individual.

Does the bill present a case proper for the interposition of this court? The Constitution gives to the Federal judiciary equity jurisdiction, and it is a familiar principle that wherever jurisdiction is given over to a particular subject or a particular branch of jurisprudence, it is ample for all purposes connected with the subject or the branch of jurisprudence.

This bill presents several grounds, on either of which a court of equity may rightfully take jurisdiction and give the relief sought.

In the first place, the acts under consideration violate the Constitution of the United States in So many particulars that it is not necessary further to attempt to enumerate them. It does more; it annuls and abrogates the state government and state constitutions, and substitutes a mere military power. The Constitution is of course the chief object of protection with all courts; when it is about to be violated the Federal judiciary will interpose for its protection. Thus, in the case of Osborn v. The Bank of the U. S., Wheat. 738, the Federal court took jurisdiction for the sole purpose of protecting a constitutional right.

Story, Eq. 34, 48, 110; Hilliard, Inj. 389; State of Pa. v. Wheeling Bridge, 18 How. 421, 15 L. ed. 435; Martin v. Hunter, 1 Wheat. 304; Carroll v. Safford, 3 How. 441; Cohens v. Virginia, 6 Wheat. 264.

A court of equity will always protect a franchise by restraining a threatened abuse.

2 Story, Eq. 766; Hilliard, Inj. 311. In the next place, the bill presents the case of a breach of agreement made with the state of Georgia under the compact of 1802, and of Virginia under the Ordinance of 1787, as well as with the state of Mississippi on its admission into the Union. These compacts, which are made "unalterable" and "irrevocable," are public documents, and we merely refer to them. Courts of equity will always interpose, not only to enforce agreements or compacts when that can be done on a proper case made, but also to prevent their violation.

Casey v. Holmes, 10 Ala. 776.

Again; the bill presents a patent case of irreparable mischief, and in such cases equity will always interpose to prevent the mischief. Mr. A. H. Garland, in favor of the motion: According to the provision already cited, the state of Mississippi is properly before the court. The language of the Constitution is broad and covers every conceivable case in which a state could be a party.

Conk. Tr. 4th ed. 14, 15, 16; Law Tr. 12, 98, note 1; Curtis, Com. 144, 145 and 153, 155; 1 Kent, Com. 359.

By the very authorities cited as to the party complainant, it is certain that the defendants to this bill are proper parties. No exception whatever is made in the Constitution, and the

act of 1789 uses the language "exclusive jurisdiction in all controversies of a civil nature where a state is a party." The Constitution makes no exception, and the judiciary act making none, it is a familiar principle of law, that the courts can make none. The court takes the law as it is, and it must be regarded as settled by this court, that the Constitution and the act of 1789 mean just what they say, and leave no room for the court to diminish or circumscribe this jurisdiction. If a state is "either nominally or substantially a party," the case is made.

Fowler v. Miller, 3 Dall. 411, 5 Cranch, 115; New Jersey v. New York, 5 Pet. 284; Georgia v. Brailsford, 3 Dall. 1; 2 Dall. 419; Rhode Island v. Mass. 12 Pet. 657; Cherokee Nation v. Georgia, 5 Pet. 1.

It has been held for a long time that the two sections of article III. of the Constitution, contain a full and complete vesting of the judicial power of the United States. Martin v. Hunter, 1 Wheat. 304; and Cohens v. Virginia, 6 Wheat. 264.

And if this be true, there can be no doubt that a party defendant must be brought in, and the court would not lose its jurisdiction because there was no established mode of proceeding, or because it had no name to give its writ or process. It will create a mode and make and name the process too, to enforce its jurisdiction. The reasoning of this court in Florida v. Georgia, 17 How. 478, 15 L. ed. 181, supports this position.

In 3 Opin. Atty. Gen. 471 (Mr. Grundy) it was said that the President could not be enjoined from paying money over to certain parties under a treaty stipulation, because the treaty had concluded the whole matter and the President could not be held thus as a stakeholder or a garnishee for litigants. So Mr. Lagare (Ib. 667) held, and for the same reasons, but admits that the President can be enjoined as to acts merely ministerial, and refers to the opinion of Mr. Wirt (1 Ib. 681) and he refers also to the Kendall Case, 12 Pet. 524, and Decatur's Case, 14 Pet. 487. In Kendall's Case it is expressly ruled, that the Executive Department can be reached by appropriate process in the performance of ministerial acts, and all that the court then said was afterwards reiterated in Decatur's Case, and these cases must be held conclusive on this point. In Brashear v. Mason, 6 How. 101. 102, Judge Nelson sustained Decatur's Case and Kendall's, and drew the distinction between those acts, purely ministerial, and those involving the exercise of judgment and discretion, and recognized the doctrine that as merely the Executive, exercising no discretion or judgment in the ordinary discharge of his duty, the officer could be reached by process of the court. So Judge Woodbury held in Reside v. Walker, 11 How. 272; and still more recently Judge Daniel, in U. S. v. Guthrie, 17 How. 304, 15 L. ed. 106, held the same doctrine; and see especially Marbury v. Madison, 1 Cranch, 136, and the comments thereon in Curtis, Com. 108, 109, 110, 113, and 159.

In the present case there is nothing for the President to do (to find no law or fact) but to proceed as an agent, with no discretion or judgment to be exercised, in the legal acceptation of these terms, to enforce this law; and most clearly the power of the court extends to

just such acts. The bill called the Reconstruc-| tion Act dismantles the states, strips them of every remnant of sovereignties as states, and simply leaves it to the President to assign commanders to districts, and to detail a sufficient force to enable commanders to perform their duties no option, no discretion, no exercise of judgment being left in the President. It would be very difficult to find an act more ministerial in its character than this, to be performed by the President.

If

How. 1, is called in to support this view.
a state cannot appeal to the courts to stay pro-
ceedings by which it is to be destroyed and
annihilated by act of Congress, of what benefit
is it that she may sue at all in this court? It
might sue to save itself a few miles of terri-
tory, or a few thousand dollars; but it cannot
sue to preserve its existence. In this connec-
tion I beg leave to cite some authorities.

2 Curtis, Hist. Const. (title, Purposes of the Judicial Power), p. 430; Letters and Other Writings of Madison, vol. IV. pp. 19, 43, 47, 48, 49, 62, 63, 75, 76, 100, 101, 222; and Nos. 39 and 78 of the Federalist, are directly applicable to this very question.

See also Rhode Island v. Mass. 12 Pet. 675; Poole v. Fleeger, 11 Pet. 185; Cherokee Nation v. Georgia, 5 Pet. 1; Wheeling Bridge Case, 18 How. 421, 15 L. ed. 435.

Mr. Stanbery, Atty. Gen., in opposition thereto.

a bill in the name of the state, praying this court perpetually to enjoin and restrain Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, and E. O. C. Ord, General, commanding in the district of Mississippi and Arkansas, from executing, or in any manner carrying out, certain acts of Congress therein named.

The objection is that the President is to be enjoined. Is it not a fact that whenever any subordinate of the Executive is enjoined, he himself is? Our Constitution knows but one Executive, and his agents all over the country act for him and under his instructions. A cabinet officer is enjoined, is reached by mandamus; yet it is the President after all, for every official act in the executive branch of the government must be performed as that of the President. The cabinet even has no constitutional existence as a directory body, or one that can Mr. Chief Justice Chase delivered the opindecide anything; and the theory of our gov-ion of the court: ernment is, that what belongs to the executive A motion was made, some days since, in be power is to be exercised by the will of the Pres-half of the state of Mississippi, for leave to file ident, and when General Ord acts under the late measure of Congress, in law the President acts. 2 Curtis, Hist. Const. 409; Jefferson's Works, vol. v. 94, 568, 569. The President was made Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy because this is the application of force to execute law, maintain peace, etc., and these are considered attributes of executive power, and have been so regarded by all well-organized governments on earth (1 Kent. 305, 306). So instead of proceeding against all the various officers who are to act in the different districts, why not at once strike at the very source of this power, and by one suit put an end to it altogether? When a revenue officer, tax collector, or other executive officer of the United States is enjoined, really the President is enjoined. Then, to prevent a multiplicity of suits, accumulation of costs, delay and vexation as well as irreparable mischief, by one suit this court is asked to put an end to the whole proceeding. Upon these grounds the courts interfere to prevent collection of taxes.

McGee v. Mathis, 4 Wall. 143, 18 L. ed. 314, decided by Chief Justice Chase at this term; 1 Eden, Inj. 11 et seq.; Hilliard, Inj. 25, 316, 383, 525, 539, 541; Ib. 270; Osborn v. Bank, U. S. 9 Wheat. 738.

And the great merit of this application is that it seeks to prevent mischief, and not to remedy it; and this has been aptly termed "the noblest exercise of power that can engage the attention of any tribunal." Then, upon the question of parties there can be no cavil, and the original jurisdiction of this court depends upon the character of the parties to the suit, and not the character of the case as the appellate jurisdiction does.

Cohens v. Virginia, 6 Wheat. 264.

It is claimed that, because Congress passed the Reconstruction Act as a political question, this action is final and the door is closed against the courts. Some confusion has arisen on this subject, by attempting to establish the doctrine that Congress is the judge of what government is the proper one, and Luther v. Borden, 7

The acts referred to are those of March 2 and March 23, 1867, commonly known as the Reconstruction Acts.

The Attorney General objected to the leave asked for *upon the ground that no bill, [*497 which makes the President a defendant and seeks an injunction against him to restrain the performance of his duties as President, should be allowed to be filed in this court.

This point has been fully argued, and we will now dispose of it.

We shall limit our inquiry to the question presented by the objection, without expressing any opinion on the broader issues discussed in argument, whether, in any case, the President of the United States may be required, by the process of this court, to perform a purely ministerial act under a positive law, or may be held amenable, in any case, otherwise than by impeachment for crime.

The single point, which requires consideration is this: Can the President be restrained by injunction from carrying into effect an act of Congress alleged to be unconstitutional?

It is assumed by the counsel for the state of Mississippi, that the President, in the execution of the Reconstruction Acts, is required to perform a mere ministerial duty. In this assumption there is, we think, a confounding of the terms "ministerial" and "executive," which are by no means equivalent in import.

A ministerial duty, the performance of which may, in proper cases. be required of the head of a department, by judicial process, is one in respect to which nothing is left to discretion. It is a simple, definite duty, arising under conditions admitted or proved to exist, and imposed by law.

The case of Marbury v. Madison, 1 Cranch,

And yet it is difficult to perceive upon what principle the application now before us can be allowed and similar applications in that and other cases would be denied.

137, furnishes an illustration. A citizen had | states. But no one seems to have thought of been nominated, confirmed, and appointed a an application for an injunction against the exjustice of the peace for the District of Colum- ecution of the act by the President. bia, and his commission had been made out, signed and sealed. Nothing remained to be done except delivery, and the duty of delivery was imposed by law on the Secretary of State. It was held that the performance of this duty might be enforced by mandamus issuing from a court having jurisdiction.

499*] *So, in the case of Kendall v. U. S. 12 Pet. 527, an act of Congress had directed the Postmaster-General to credit Stockton & Stokes with such sums as the solicitor of the Treasury should find due to them; and that officer refused to credit them with certain sums, so found due. It was held that the crediting of this money was a mere ministerial duty, the performance of which might be judicially enforced.

In each of these cases nothing was left to discretion. There was no room for the exercise of judgment. The law required the performance of a single specific act; and that performance, it was held, might be required by mandamus.

The fact that no such application was ever before made in any case indicates the general judgment of the profession that no such application should be entertained.

It will hardly be contended that Congress can interpose in any case, to restrain the enactment of an unconstitutional law, and yet how can the right to judicial interposition to prevent such an enactment, when the purpose is evident and the execution of that purpose certain, be distinguished, in principle, from the right to such interposition against the execution of such a law by the President?

The Congress is the Legislative Department of the government; the President is the Executive Department. Neither can be restrained in its action by the Judicial Department; though the acts of both, when performed, are, in proper cases, subject to its cognizance.

The impropriety of such interference will be clearly seen upon consideration of its possible consequences.

Very different is the duty of the President in the exercise of the power to see that the laws are faithfully executed, and among these laws the acts named in the bill. By the first of these acts he is required to assign generals to Suppose the bill filed and the injunction command in the several military districts, and prayed for allowed. If the President refuse to detail sufficient military force to enable such obedience, it is needless to *observe that [*501 officers to discharge their duties under the law. the court is without power to enforce its procBy the supplementary act, other duties are im- ess. If, on the other hand, the President composed on the several commanding generals, and plies with the order of the court and refuses these duties must necessarily be performed un- to execute the acts of Congress, is it not clear der the supervision of the President as Com- that a collision may occur between the Executive mander-in-Chief. The duty thus imposed on and Legislative Departments of the Governthe President is in no just sense ministerial. It ment? May not the House of Representatives is purely executive and political. impeach the President for such refusal? And in that case could this court interfere in behalf of the President, thus endangered by compliance with its mandate, and restrain by injunction the Senate of the United States from sitting as a court of impeachment? Would the strange spectacle be offered to the public wonder of an attempt by this court to arrest proceedings in that court?

An attempt on the part of the Judicial Department of the government to enforce the performance of such duties by the President might be justly characterized, in the language of Chief Justice Marshall, as "an absurd and excessive extravagance."

It is true that in the instance before us the interposition of the court is not sought to enforce action by the Executive under constitutional legislation, but to restrain such action under legislation alleged to be unconstitutional. But we are unable to perceive that this circumstance takes the case out of the general principles which forbid judicial interference with the exercise of executive discretion. 500*] *It was admitted on the argument that the application now made to us is without a precedent; and this is of much weight against it.

Had it been supposed at the bar that this court would, in any case, interpose, by injunction, to prevent the execution of an unconstitutional act of Congress, it can hardly be doubted that applications with that object would have been heretofore addressed to it.

Occasions have not been wanting.

The constitutionality of the act for the annexation of Texas was vehemently denied. It made important and permanent changes in the relative importance of states and sections, an was by many supposed to be pregnant with disastrous results to large interests in particular

These questions answer themselves.

It is true that a state may file an original bill in this court. And it may be true, in some cases, that such a bill may be filed against the United States. But we are fully satisfied that this court has no jurisdiction of a bill to enjoin' the President in the performance of his official duties; and that no such bill ought to be received by us.

It has been suggested that the bill contains a prayer that, if the relief sought cannot be had against Andrew Johnson, as President, it may be granted against Andrew Johnson as a citizen of Tennessee. But it is plain that relief as against the execution of an act of Congress by Andrew Johnson, is relief against its execution by the President. A bill praying an injunction against the execution of an act of Congress by the incumbent of the presidential office cannot be received, whether it describes him as Presi dent or as a citizen of a state.

The motion for leave to file the bill is, there. fore, denied.

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