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"staining the character of South Carolina," asked him if he could give personal evidence? Having replied in the negative, the visit. ended by the Attorney General promising to get Kelly (the perpetrator of the murder) indicted;-but the learned gentleman has not yet redeemed his promise.—pp. 344, 345.
Now we intend on this occasion to show to the dullest observer, not the want of principle of these wretched vagabonds who infest our country, but the disingenuousness and fraud of the Reviewer who quotes them. The simple facts of the case were these. A slave was barbarously whipped to death by one Kelly, near Camden, and, to conceal the crime, was secretly buried. It became, however, known in the neighborhood, a jury of inquest was summoned, and the body dug up, to ascertain the cause of the death. The sagacious Mr Faux, being on his travels in this quarter, passed at the moment that the body was disinterred; saw it, heard the remarks likely to be made with such an object in sight; and, without waiting for the result of the inquest, continued his journey to Charleston. Arrived there, he immediately published a letter in the Courier, signed by his name, in his own style of Somersetshire eloquence, and relating as facts all that he had heard in riding by the spot where the occurrence took place, accompanied with various phrases, scandalously unjust in their imputation on the humanity of the Carolinians. We make the following extracts from the letter, omitting a few lines too painful to be quoted.
'Sir, On my way to this city, from a short tour through the interior of the state, a few days ago, twenty miles west of Columbia, I was suddenly attracted to a spot of earth, over which a respectable company of citizens were deeply intent on witnessing the exhumation of the body of an animal, costing 1200 dollars; but which its humane owner, (one Kelly,) and three other persons like minded, seized and tied to a tree at midnight, and each in turn wantonly whipped till sunrise, when from excessive lashing-it expired, and was instantly buried in a private corner on Sunday the 23d ult. But, on inquiry, the said animal proved to be a negro, and by some was thought to be of the human species; and stood "guilty of having a skin not colored like our own ;" an offence for which these arbiters of life and death doomed it to die.
'Good God, exclaimed I, where am I? on the earth, which thou hast created, and did once pronounce blessed, or in the Pandemo nium of the heathen? [Query, heathen.] Heaven I knew it could
not be, for a cruel task master had just crossed my path. Is it then, I continued, free America? An asylum for the oppressed and distressed of all other lands; the land of my adored Washington; the adopted country of my dearest friends; the only country on this huge, cursed earth [polite] where liberty finds an ark, or rest for the sole of her pained foot; and the country to which I came with every fond prejudice and predilection! What! free and yet offer up human sacrifice! Monstrous anomaly! Go; fly these hasty lines through the world, and challenge offended humanity to produce a spectacle so genuinely hellish or so purely demoniacal! Did, Sir, ever a Sabbath sun dawn on a catastrophe so abhorrent to your feelings, or those of, Sir, Your most obedient servant?
We should suppose, that a manner of thinking and expressing one's thoughts, so contemptible as this, might have protected from farther notice, what, in any decent man, would have been a criminal interference with the course of public justice. Had some roystering young midshipman taken the thing up, and called Mr Faux somewhat rudely to account, it would have been quite natural; and if one of those industrious gentlemen, Vindex, or Verax, or Corrector, had stepped forth in the next day's Courier, with a half column of the same kind of eloquence, the business would have been in a fair and proper train. An atrocious murder of a slave was said to have been committed; the very time and circumstances of the crime were creditable to the state of public feeling in Carolina, as far as anything, in such a connexion, could be creditable. It was committed at midnight, and the slave secretly buried, that it might be concealed. And it is on this score that Faux accuses not one obscure and cruel individual, but the whole country of America, of offering up human sacrifices. Again, Faux's sole knowledge of the crime was derived from being present at the examination of the facts of the case by the Jury of Inquest. In what mode would this wise traveller, or his patron in the Quarterly Review, have a murder, or any other crime pursued? The slave was killed on the 23d at night, and was secretly buried, and on the 29th the jury had discovered the spot, and directed the disinterment of the body in order to collect evidence of the crime. The enlightened editor of the Quarterly may tell us, when he next writes on America, whether he would have had the reputed murderer hung without any process, or tried for murder with
out ascertaining that there had been a murder, or, finally, what should have been done? Faux waited not, even to ascertain the verdict of this jury, but on his arrival at Charleston published the silly letter above quoted.
Unfortunately his quality of stranger, his London clothes, which he mentions, and the southern hospitality, led to the mistake that he was a gentleman, and entitled to the notice of a man of principle. Naturally supposing that there must be something extraordinary in the circumstances of the case, to lead a foreigner to such an extraordinary manifesto, the Governor directed the Attorney General to institute an Inquiry. On this inquiry it appeared, as we have already stated, that Faux knew nothing of what he had published with his name, except as he had transiently heard it from those collected about the jury of inquest, whose verdict he did not stay to hear. Thus far we have merely laid open a scene of impertinence. What now follows will probably be thought by our readers, something worse than impertinent; though the burden of the offence falls not on the shoulders of Faux, but of his Reviewer, who has been so indiscreet as to assert, in his own person, what Faux does not say; what the Reviewer could not know to be true; and what is actually false. Faux, at the close of his tale, represents the Attorney General as saying, 'that he will write to the district attorney and get Kelly indicted,' and adds, there is no evidence that the learned gentleman redeemed his promise here given.' And pray what evidence would Mr Faux require that the Attorney General did thus write? However, this is of no consequence. Our readers shall now hear the Quarterly Reviewer, who does not quote Faux, but condenses his narrative, in his own person. "The visit ended,' says the Reviewer, 'by the Attorney General promis ing to get Kelly (the perpetrator of the murder) indicted; but the learned gentleman has not yet redeemed his promise.' The reader will observe, that whether the Attorney General had or had not redeemed his promise, was wholly unknown to Faux, who had therefore the prudence to say, 'there is no evidence of that fact; that is, Mr Faux, on his dunghill at Somersham, hath received no proof that the Attorney General of South Carolina wrote to the solicitor to procure Kelly to be indicted. This no doubt was true, and was also prudent. But it did not satisfy the Reviewer, who asserts what
is neither prudent nor true, that 'the learned gentleman has not yet redeemed his promise.' For it so happens, that the Attorney General did forthwith write to the solicitor, (for the crime was not committed in his own district,) to urge the indictment of Kelly, and that he and those concerned with him in the murder were indicted, convicted, and punished. And now what will the Quarterly Reviewer say? He avers, (not quoting Faux, who does not so state,) that the Attorney General did not use his influence to procure the indicting of the murderer. We say he did; that he communicated Faux's testimony, though it amounted to nothing, to the solicitor of that district; and he to the attorney of the circuit; and that the offenders were all brought to justice.
Our readers will call to mind one parallel case. The journeyman stocking weaver, Fearon, in his travels, gave an account of a vessel employed in transporting German redemptioners to this country, which he averred to be an American ship, and her captain an American, with circumstances of great particularity. The Quarterly Review, for May, 1819, in an article probably from the same pen to which the world is indebted for that on Faux, quotes this passage from Fearon, and adds from his own authority, the infamous traffic is confined exclusively to American vessels.' And yet, not only was the ship in question a vessel from Sunderland in England, navigated on English account, and her crew, and her captain, William Garterell by name, British; but the majority of all the vessels employed in this business in 1816 and 1817 was foreign, and of these foreign ships, (ten in number,) five were British, in British employment. But the Quarterly Reviewer could assert, on his own authority, and for the purpose of vilifying America, that this infamous traffic is exclusively in American hands.'
But to revert to the topic of American slavery, on which the Quarterly Reviewer is not yet silenced. He tells us,
'Though many of the planters treat their slaves well, and allow them as much indulgence as is consistent with their situation, yet negroes being, in the eye of the American law, a degraded class, and denied the enjoyment of equal rights, their well being is entirely dependent on the personal character of their owner; and however humane their treatment may be, we cannot agree with Farmer Faux in his conclusion, which, after the terrible stories of more than
brutal cruelty, which he has laid before us, we should rather have expected from Mr Tell Harris, or Miss Wright, that their condition in any, much less in many respects, "is better than that of the paupers in his native land."
The Reviewer, after adding a few more lines in this strain, extracts Faux's monstrous fabrication about training large dogs to hunt negroes. In other parts of his Review, he quotes various other tales and calumnies relative to the existence of slavery in America. We accordingly repeat what we stated in a former number, and what we shall reiterate, whenever we have occasion to notice the calumnies of the English ultra press on this subject. First, that slavery in America is a British institution, established by British laws, and for the benefit of British traders. Secondly, that the American colonists early made attempts to prevent the farther introduction of slaves, which attempts were resisted and defeated by the English ministers at the instigation of English traders. So well known was this, that Mr Burke, in his speech on the conciliation of America, recognises her refusal to deal any more in the inhuman traffic of the negro slaves, as one of the causes of her quarrel with England.' Thirdly, a generation before the slave trade was abolished by the British parliament, it was abolished in several of the American states, and eighteen years before its abolition by Great Britain, the provision was made for its abolition throughout America in the year 1808. In addition to these facts, we may add, that America has set to England the example of the only effectual measure of destroying this traffic, that of declaring it to be piracy; and, finally, that the amelioration of the condition of the British slaves in the West Indies is owing to the example of North American masters.
On this point we are luckily able to quote an unsuspicious authority, that of the Quarterly Review. In the very same number, which contains this unmanly attack on America, is an article, very ably written, of which the real object is to vindicate the policy of holding slaves, and to disparage that of the abolitionists and emancipators. In this article we read as follows; 'It was about half a century ago, (say the Committee of Assembly in Jamaica, in their report of 1815,) that the treatment of our negroes began to receive a visible ameVOL. XIX.NO. 44.