in the contest of 1856, were such that no honorable Southern man could possibly belong to it. I see that the general committee, in their call, properly take this view, and only extend their invitation to the opposition in the free States. What precise anti-slavery platform they adopt is not very important, as they will of course make it so as to obtain the support of their most moderate members, knowing that the ultra ones will go with them anyhow. In fact they know that, in the language of the Senator from New York, (Mr. Seward) "circumstances determine possibilities," and that he and they are willing "at all times" to do all they can, in power or out of it, to overthrow slavery. It is said, however, that we ought to wait for some overt act; and the Senator from New Hampshire (Mr. Hale) the other day declared that it was wrong and insolent for Southern men to talk of resisting merely because they, the Republicans, elected men to carry out "their views!" That Senator is very wise, and knows that when a man wishes to subdue a wild horse, he treats the animal with the greatest kindness at first, and commits no overt act on him until he is well and securely tied. Suppose that your candidate was known to be in favor of making a treaty with Great Britain, by which the United States were to be reannexed as colonies to that country, and he had been elected by the majority of votes, would the minority, who might still wish to preserve their independence, be bound to wait until the treaty had been actually ratified, and British armies had taken possession of the country, and began to maltreat the inhabitants? In the present case, the very inauguration of your candidate makes him commander of the army and navy. One of his first acts would be, doubtless, to station them advantageously, while, at the same time, he could carefully remove from the South all the public arms, lest the people should take them for defence. He would fill the Southern States with postmasters and other officials, whose efforts would be directed to dividing, as much as possible, the people of the South, and to forming connections with the negroes. Doubtless, some such policy as this would be adopted before any direct blow was struck at slavery anywhere. Should we, under these disadvantages, begin to resist, a long and bloody struggle, like that of our Revolution, might be the consequence. The very impression that Fremont was to be elected produced some disturbances among the slaves; and with a Black Republican President a hundred such forays as John Brown's might occur in a single year. Though the negroes left to themselves are harmless, yet when assisted and led on by Europeans in St. Domingo, they destroyed the

white inhabitants. As the Senator from New York (Mr. Seward) holds that the constitutional guarantees in favor of slavery, being "in violation of the divine law, cannot be enforced, and "ought to be relinquished," he would be on the side of the negro.

The objections are not personal merely to this Senator, but apply equally to any member of the party elected by it. It has, in fact, been suggested that, as a matter of prudence, for the first election they should choose a Southern Free-Soiler. Would the colonies have submitted more willingly to Benedict Arnold than to Lord Cornwallis? By way of palliation it has been said, that even if a Black Republican should be elected, he would probably disappoint his party, and be more conservative than they are; and that the worst he would do, might be to plunder the country, by legislation or otherwise. This, however, would be only a reprieve to us; for the very fact of his election on such grounds, and our submission, as it would destroy our friends in the North, would demoralize and degrade our own people. and render them incapable of resistance, while our enemies flushed with success, would select afterwards, more ultra agents to carry out their "views." No other "overt act" can so imperatively demand resistance on our part, as the simple election of their candidate. Their organization is one of avowed hostility, and they come against us as enemies; and should we submit we shall be in the condition of an army which surrenders at discretion, and can only expect such terms as the humanity of the conqueror may grant.

But, we are asked how we will go about making a revolution or dissolving the Union? This would possibly have been a difficult question to answer during the first year of our Revolution, when our forefathers were avowedly fighting to get good terms of reconciliation with the mother country. Mr. Jefferson said that six weeks before the Declaration was made, a majority of the men who made it had not even thought of independence. The people of the colonies, though they had not authorized anybody to make it, accepted it, nevertheless, as a fact.

Who anticipated the sudden revolutions that overthrew several monarchies in France? Though it requires skill to create governments, yet men often destroy them very unscientifically. As the main strength of all governments is in public opinion, so, when that is forfeited, they often seem to fall easily and suddenly. As the government of the United States, with the attachment of its citizens, is

the strongest in the world, so, when that is lost, it would become one of the weakest.

I may say, however, that I do not think there will be any secession of the Southern members of Congress from this Capitol. It has always struck me that this is a point not to be voluntarily surrendered to the public enemy. If lives should be lost here, it would seem poetically just that this should occur. I cannot find words enough to express my abhorrence and detestation of such creatures as Garrison and Wendell Phillips, who stimulate others to deeds of blood, and, at the same time, are so cowardly that they avoid all danger themselves. As from this Capitol so much has gone forth to inflame the public mind, if our countrymen are to be involved in a bloody struggle, I trust in God that the first fruits of the collision may be reaped here. While it is due to justice that I should speak thus, it is but fair to myself to say, that I do not remember a time when I would have been willing to sacrifice the life of an innocent person to save my own; and I have never doubted but that it was the duty of every citizen to give his life cheerfully to preserve the union of these States, while that Union was founded on an honest observance of the Constitution. Of the benefits of this Confederacy to all sections, provided justice be done in the administration of the government, there can be no question.

Independently of its advantages to us all, there are reasons why it should be maintained. Considerations of this kind were, during the last year, brought to my mind from new points of view, and with added force. When, last spring, I landed in England, I found that country agitated with questions of reform. In the struggle which was maintained on both sides with the greatest animation, there were constant references to the United States; and the force of our example was stimulating the Liberals, and tending to the overthrow of aristocratic and monarchic restrictions. Our institutions and our opinions were referred to only to be applauded, except by a small but influential aristocratic clique. That oligarchy cannot forget the Revolution of July, 1776, which deprived Britain of this magnificent western empire; and it sees, with even bitterer feelings, its own waning power and vanishing privileges under the inspiriting influences of our prosperity. It, however, is always ready to take by the hand any American of prominent position who habitually denounces and depreciates his own government, and labors for its overthrow.

In this connection, I remember a statement made to me by the late American Minister at Paris, Mr. Mason. He spoke of having had a

conversation with one, whose name I do not feel at liberty to mention, but whose influence on the opinion of continental Europe is considerable, who admitted to him that there was nothing in fact wrong in our negro slavery; but who, nevertheless, declared that if the Union of our States continued, at no distant day we should control the world; and, therefore, as an European, he felt it to be his duty to press anti-slavery views, as the only chance to divide us. I have other and many reasons to know that the monarchies of Europe, threatened with downfall from revolutionary movements, seek, through such channels as they control, to make similar impressions. A hundred times was the question. asked me, “Will you divide in America?" But never once was the inquiry made of me, "Will slavery be abolished, will your country become more respectable in the eyes of the Abolitionists?" The middle and lower classes of England, who are struggling to acquire additional privileges, look with satisfaction and hope to our progress. France, too, is imbued with American ideas, and, notwithstanding its despotic form of government, is one of the most democratic countries in Europe. Italy I found in the midst of revolutions, and its monarchies falling down without even a day's notice, and its inhabitants, while recalling the republican ideas of past ages, looked with exultation to that great trans-Atlantic Confederacy, where there are no kings and no dukes; and more than once, while passing through Tuscany or Lombardy, the enthusiasm of the people reminded me, by their music and banners and shoutings, of my own countrymen, at a Fourth of July celebration. Germany, the receptacle of millions of letters from this side of the water, is being rapidly educated and is already far advanced to a stable free system. The Swiss and the Belgians are boasting of the resemblances of their governments and ours. Everywhere, too, are our countrymen distinguished and recognized for their intellectual activity and energy. The people abroad have, perhaps, exaggerated ideas of our immense progress, our vast power, and growing ascendency in the civilized world. The masses, pressed down by

military conscriptions and inordinate taxation, look with pride and confidence to the great American Republic, that in time they hope will dominate over the earth and break the power of its kings. But the Senator from New York, (Mr. Seward) and those who act with him, have determined that these hopes shall no longer be cherished, and that our system shall fall, to gratify the wishes and meet the views of the British Exeter Hall anti-slavery society. He holds that our government has hitherto been administered in "violation of the divine

law," and that our former institutions must give way to the "higher law," abolitionism, and free negroism. This is the issue we are now called upon to meet.

Should the decision of the ides of November be adverse to the fortunes of the Republic, it will become the high duty of the South, at least, to protect itself. Northern gentlemen, I believe, with great unanimity say that if the conditions were reversed they would not be willing to submit for a moment; and many, like Mr. Fillmore, do us the justice to say that it would be "madness or folly to believe” that we would "submit to be governed by such a Chief Magistrate" as Fremont. The general tone of feeling in the South, and the rapid formation of vigilance committees and military companies, indicate that our people have not forgotten the lessons of the Revolution, and there may be a contest among the States as to which shall be most prompt to resist.

To avoid any such necessity, our people are disposed, generally, to make every effort consistent with honor. They will, with great unanimity, go into battle upon the old platform of principles, and, waiving all past issues, heartily support the standard-bearer who may be selected. But the fate of the country mainly depends upon the success which may crown the efforts of those brave and patriotic men in the North, who, in spite of the odds arrayed against them, have so long maintained an unequal struggle against the anti-slavery current. They fight under a flag which waves in every State of the Union. Should it fall, it carries with it an older and still more honored emblem-that banner under which Washington marched to victory, which Jackson maintained triumphantly, and which has been borne gallantly and gloriously over every sea. I have still confidence in the good fortune. of the United States, and in view of the many providential occurrences in the past, still anticipate a triumph for the Republic.

NOTE.

It should be borne in mind that this speech was made before steps had been taken towards that most extraordinary movement to divide and destroy the Democratic party, which soon afterwards was developed. That conspiracy, in which Mr. Buchanan, Mr. Jefferson Davis and Mr. John Slidell were the most influential actors, so much surpassed in its insanity and wickedness all similar events in the history of humanity, that no one can fairly be blamed for not anticipating it. At no moment since, has it appeared to me as less irrational than it did in its inception. I then compared it to the conduct of a man about to do battle for his life, who should, as a prepartory step, cut off one arm and one leg, in order that he might march and strike with more efficiency.