reason why this government should be arrayed against it. I point to the fact, also, that the negroes are, whether considered physically, intellectually, socially, or morally, superior to any other portion of their race upon the globe, whether in a state of freedom or slavery.

These are views of which little or nothing was known fifty years ago; but they are taking deep hold upcn the public mind now, and statesmen and wise men will look at things as they are, and ponder well before they act in opposition to the evidences of their senses and their reason. The ways of Providence are wiser than the imaginations of men, and let us therefore follow where the facts seem to point. No man knows as yet what we shall be led to; but the opinion of the country is very different now from what it was fifty years ago; and what it will be a century hence, can any man assume to say? No, sir; but the wise man will be disposed to let these things alone; he will rather permit these matters work their own way in due time. Under the influence of excited feelings, and in pursuit of a single idea, men are sometimes carried to great extremes. For example many of the Northern people insist that slavery must not be extended, but that it must be confined to its present limits. It will thus happen, say they, that after a time for want of room, the slave population will no longer increase; and perhaps the low price of labor, and the want of means of subsistence, will induce the owners to liberate their slaves. They say that the condition of the present slave States will be like that of portions of Europe, where the population cannot increase, and where a bare snbsistence can be afforded to the people in ordinary years, so that in a scarce year large numbers are swept away by famine. In this way, they argue the increase of slaves could be prevented. A not less effectual mode, however, would be to put to death the infant negroes from time to time. This, too, would be more humane, probably, than the other process, as the amount of general misery produced by a condition of things similar to that in Ireland during the years of famine, would doubtless greatly exceed that caused by the mode suggested. Intelligent men at the North of course know that the Southern States would not consent to submit to such a line of policy, and that the attempt to enforce it will merely overthrow the government. In fact, the amount of property now held in slaves, and the interests connected with it are strong enough to protect themselves. In France and other European countries, the strongest political systems that men could invent have been overthrown, from time to time, but the rights of property have withstood all the shocks of revolutions. So the interests which the South has will be strong enough to protect themselves— always, I hope, in the Union, but certainly out of it, should it ever become necessary. These considerations need not, hswever, enter largely into the present discussion. We stand on our constitutional rights, and the justice, both political and moral, of the proposition that every community ought to be allowed to regulate its own domestic matters. Adopt this cardinal line of policy, and the country will no more be disturbed with agitations about slavery.

Mr. Chairman, there was considerable excitement produced in the House yesterday by a resolution which the gentleman from Ohio, (Mr.

Campbell) offered in reference to the annextion of Canada. This movement will enable us to illustrate the practical effect of the pending measure. If the old system of bringing the powers of the government into collision with the rights of the South, by restricting slavery, is to prevail, as Canada would strengthen the Northern movement against us, we should be opposed to its annexation. But suppose we adopt the opposite line of policy, and settle down upon the doctrine that every community shall regulate its own local and domestic affairs. Why, sir, the proposition for the annexation of Canada would be looked upon simply as a national question, as one in which the North and South were equally interested, and the advantages and disadvantages of the measures would be fairly considered by both sections. I am not by any means prepared to say that the time will not come when Canada, as well as many other provinces, will be annexed to the United States. I agree with the gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. Millson) that there is danger of too rapid expansion of our territory. I believe in the law of progress, but there may be such a thing as too high a rate of speed for safety. I admit all this, but must tell him that it is idle to attempt to prevent a forward movement. He might just as well strive to dam up the waters of that Niagara to which he alluded as prevent the expansion of our Republic. We must act wisely, however, and place ourselves in a condition to be benefited and not injured by these coming acquisitions of territory.

What ought we to do? Allow every portion of the country to regulate its own affairs, whether States or Territories, and turn our attention to those great national questions upon which the interests of the country demand our action. But, in justice to myself, I perhaps ought to say that while I would not hurry expansion of territory, yet neither am I prepared to say that the infant does not now live who may see all the country between Cape Horn and the Polar ocean of the north united in one empire. I do not say that it will be so, nor am I prepared to say to what extent this confederation of republics may be carried. We are in the midst of the grandest experiment humanity. has ever seen; and if we do our part wisely, I have no doubt but that, under the favor of Providence, a fortunate result will be attained.

I have witnessed, Mr. Chairinan, several of those anti-slavery excitements, and I have observed that when they are first gotten up their power seems to be the greatest. The Abolitionists are well organized; they throw out their publications all over the country at once, without being over-scrupulous as to the truth and justice of their statements; and hence they hurry away the minds of the community for a season. Truth cannot travel as fast as falsehood, but in the end always overtakes her. Hence, after a full discussion and a fair understanding of the subject, the excitement is shorn of its strength, and dies out before the intelligence of the people. For example, when the question of the annexation of Texas first came up, the cry was raised that the whole North was dead against it, and that any who advocated. it would be instantly crushed. Even after the matter had been adopted by the Democratic party in its convention in Baltimore on Mr. Polk's nomination, and even as late as September, the convention in New

York which nominated Silas Wright for Governor, passed a resolution against the annexation of Texas, though agreeing to support Mr. Polk nevertheless; and, in fact, when Congress met, even after the election, there was great opposition among Democratic members, but ultimately the body of these gentlemen, with the aid of some few Southern Whigs came up and passed it. I have yet to learn that a single one of them was beaten on that ground. I remember, also, when the Wilmot proviso was first brought forward, there were only six or seven gentlemen from the North who voted against it. We were told to take our last look of those gentlemen; that they went home to their political graves. Such was the language used then; but one of the preachers who pronounced their funeral sermon on more than one occasion was left at home himself; while the opponents of the Wilmot proviso came up here thicker than ever. In a little while that proviso found none so poor as to do it reverence.

When the Fugitive Slave law passsed I was told by gentlemen who were favorable to it that it was producing an intensity of feeling in the North of which we could have no idea. They said that the whole North was against it; and in the South many were alarmed at the agitation, and some of the States passed resolutions in the strongest terms for the enforcement of the law. I do not know that anybody has been defeated because of that bill in the North where a fight was firmly made on the issue. How will it be on this occasion? Some gentlemen will go forward and tell their constituents that a great wrong has been done to the North. What is it? Why, that Congress has actually had the unparalleled-I will not say impudence, but want of justice to allow the people of Kansas and Nebraska to legislate for themselves in local matters. Now, Mr. Chairman, do you think that it will produce any excitement when the question is understood? Not a bit of it. When the idea is first thrown out that we are repealing the Missouri compromise to let slavery into that Territory, there will be the greatest excitement; but as the question comes to be canvassed and examined from time to time, the result will be that the issue will take a hold on the popular mind which none can resist.

I have never in my life been afraid, when I felt that I was right, to make an issue and debate a question before the people. I recollect very well that some years ago I was the only man from the South who voted for the reception of abolition petitions, and against the twentyfirst rule. There was a very intense excitement in my part of the country against their reception; but when I came to discuss and examine the question, I was fully sustained by the people.

And here let me say that I do not deprecate debate on the subject of slavery. On the contrary, my own opinion is that a calm, temperate discussion of all these questions in Congress is positively beneficial. When I came here, ten years ago, it was the fashion for Southern men to say that "you cannot venture to discuss slavery. It must not be talked about in Congress." The consequence was the Abolitionists were rampant when they saw that we seemed to be afraid of them, and they pressed upon us, getting stronger and stronger all the time as we appeared to retreat and quail before them. The most cowardly cur, if

you run from him, will follow and bite you. I took at once a different view, and was disposed to meet the question; taking the ground calmly then that we had better confront our enemies face to face. The great discussion which has since occurred, I am quite confident, has strengthened our position all through the North. Liberal men in that section now find less difficulty in sustaining themselves. The Northern and the Southern people agree better and better as they come to understand each other's views.

There is a great amount of common sense and good feeling among our people everywhere; and the discussion, sir, of all these questions has been productive of nothing but benefit. Remember that we cannot prevent the Abolitionists debating these things. They will go all through the North, and spread their pamphlets far and near. They will have their preachers and lecturers. I have had a great many sermons sent to me lately. They have two striking qualities-rhetoric and ignorance; and the very fact that so many of these Northern preachers-I mean Abolition preachers-have neglected their holy calling to embark in politics, is probably the reason why infidelity is making such a great headway among the Abolitionists. I am very sorry to see it. [Laughter.] I think that it would be better for them to discuss religion. Unless they cease we shall be compelled to send missionaries among them. [Laughter.] I read many of their papers, and, in common with the rest of the community, am shocked with witnessing their infidelity and blasphemy. They will eternally keep up this discussion about slavery. Then why not let it be calmly and temperately debated, since it is necessarily before us in connection with this bill, and will be brought up occasionally by kindred topics?

As my time has expired, I omit some points that I had intended to discuss, and I shall now take my seat, thanking the committee for the attention with which they have heard me.

NOTE.

The passage of the Kansas and Nebraska act, produced great excitement, especially in the North. Inflammatory meetings were held, and bodies of men were armed and sent into the territory, even while the measure was under consideration, in order that they might control it, and prevent its ever becoming a slave State. When emigrants from Missouri and other Southern States went in, collisions occurred, which added to the high political excitement. Even in the South, there was division; many of the Whigs, though in 1850, they had all been in favor of the principle, that no law of Congress should be allowed to interfere with the right of the inhabitants of every territory to establish or reject slavery now changed their ground. From the influence of party feelings, they sympathised so much with their associates in the North, that such men as Messrs. Badger and Kerr were censured by their former admirers. The state of feeling thus produced in the country both North and South, may be understood perhaps from the reading of the letter given below:

ASHEVILLE, Sep. 21, 1854,

GENTLEMEN: On my return, after an absence of some days, I found your letter of the 2d instant, inviting me to be present at a dinner to be given "irrespective of party" to the Hon. John Kerr, as a compliment to

him for his course, especially with reference to the Nebraska bill of the last session of Congress. Entertaining the highest respect personally for your distinguished representative, and heartily approving his course on the occasion referred to, if my engagements permitted it would give me the greatest pleasure to accept the invitation. The importance of the Kansas and Nebraska act cannot be overrated. It removed from the statute book an odious and unjust discrimination which had existed there for nearly half a century. That restriction, a mark of inferiority, was degrading to the South, and as such, ought never to have been originally submitted to by her. In consequence, however, of the want either of wisdom, or manliness and courage on the part of the men of 1820, there rested the highest obligation upon every right thinking and right feeling son of the South, to avail himself of the first fair opportunity to place his section back again where it orginally stood, on an equal footing with the North. This result has now been accomplished, and we stand as equals in the Union with our brethren of the North. All who have taken a part in this transaction, may well feel proud of the accomplishment. I declare to you, gentlemen, that after a Congressional service of nearly ten years, I would rather that every vote of mine on all other question should be obliterated from the Journals, than be deprived of my participation in that one act.

As a citizen of this great Republic, I would rather that my name should go down to posterity associated with those of the true and brave men who carried this measure, than to have had part in all the legislation that has been transacted in my time. Whether the territory of Kansas will ever constitute a slaveholding State, as it inevitably would if left to voluntary settlement and the usual course of things, or whether the extraordinary combination between northern capitalists and abolition associations shall prevent this, will not, in my judgment, materially diminish the importance of the measure. The Federal Government has done us justice, however much reason we may have to complain of the acts of a portion of the northern people. We now stand in a position of equality, and we owe it to those who are to come after us, and to the cause of truth, justice and of political liberty in all time to come, never to surrender that favorable position. No consideration, either pecuniary or political, no love of temporary ease and quiet, can atone for such a sacrifice, because no people have ever been permanently prosperous, who have admitted their inferiority to others, or consented to be degraded to a state of political vassalage. A sense of sectional or national ignomity unmans and in time destroys any people. To this, like other law of Providence, no exception can be found in history. We must, therefore, I repeat, maintain our present position at any cost. Any one of our citizens who is capable of doubting on such a point, ought to be regarded as unfit to occupy any public station.

This great measure was not passed without extreme difficulty. In fact I know of no parliamentary act that has been carried in the face of such formidable, obstinate, and unscrupulous opposition.

Those Southern representatives who contributed by their efforts to its success, are worthy of great praise, but no applause which language can express, is adequate to do justice to the representatives from the North who stood by us in the struggle. These gentlemen, against all calcula