suddenly discovered, with one consent, that they would prefer to return to the "vice-engendering systems" of civilized society, and the "wasteful complications of its isolated households."

Mr. Greeley's demeanor toward these enterprises was characterized by the same reckless generosity with money which has been observed in his private life. The Philosopher has ever been ready to lend a man five dollars, even though he had but four to lend him. It is imputed to him that, in contributing material aid to the struggling associations, he was far more forward than his fellow laborer, Brisbane. In his address to the fraternity, published in the Harbinger of Oct. 25, 1845, he wrote:

"Fellow Associationists! I shall do whatever I can for the promotion of our common cause. To it whatever I have or may hereafter acquire, of pecuniary ability is devoted; may I not hope for a like devotion from you?"

The response does not seem to have been very encouraging; for the system, already dead at the core and fast going to decay, continued to droop in all its branches.

THE DISCUSSION WITH RAYMOND.

This did not, however, deter Greeley from taking up the cudgels in behalf of Socialism whenever opportunity offered. In 1846 and '47 occurred the famous discussion with Henry J. Raymond, already quoted from.

In the first of his twelve articles of this series, Mr. Greeley contended that the landless have an

inherent right to their "due share" of land, and the right of constant employment; and that these rights cannot be guaranteed without a radical change in our social economy. In the second he outlined the system of co-operation by phalanxes. In the third he unfolded the same fully, and enunciated substantially the theory of Fourier; i. e common property, etc. And so on, to the end of the last chapter, wherein he yearned for "the association of two or three hundred families, after the similitude of a bank or a whale-ship (!) inhabiting a common edifice." He "saw in the benevolent movements of the present time the portents of a good time coming. In this faith," he declared, “I labor and live; share it or scout it, as you will. Adieu." And here he appended those awe-inspiring initials, "H. G." with which the public has become so familiar.

It was generally pronounced that Raymond had the better of his antagonist in this discussion; but in estimating the intellectual merits of the performance, it must be borne in mind that Raymond had the sympathy of the entire public, to begin with.

However well he may have argued, he did not convince "H. G."-that is certain; for ten years later we find that staunch disputant still "flying in the teeth of prejudice," and incontinently tendering a loan of $12,000 to the North American Phalanx -an offer which does more credit to his heart than to his head, since the Phalanx was then in the throes of dissolution, and was soon sold out at sixty cents on the dollar.

CHAPTER XXIII.

GREELEY AS A POLITICIAN.

His Political Life Characterized-Greeley's First Experience at " Relegating"-The Tippecanoe Campaign-The Clay Fiasco-"Isms" of the Philosopher-In Congress-His Career as a Legislator-The Partnership with Seward and Weed-Greeley Indignantly Withdraws-Cause of his WrathThe FamousSeward Letter-Greeley Favors Secession-Defeats Seward at Chicago-The War Comes On-" Forward to Richmond !"-Thorning Lincoln-The Cleveland Convention-" Anybody to Beat Lincoln"-Greeley Winks at the Movement-The Niagara Falls Affair-Greeley Hobnobs with Bogus Rebel Commissioners-Blames Lincoln and Misrepresents HimNoble Letter of the Martyr President-The War Ended-Greeley Does go On to Richmond-What he Does There-Indignation of the PublicGreeley's Opinion of Himself and Other Presidency-Hunters-Greeley and Tammany.

Horace Greeley's public career as a politicianall the while as an influential writer and the most of the time as an inside manager of politics-already stretches over a period of about thirty-eight years, commencing with the founding of the New Yorker in 1834. It did not, however, put on that very actice phase which has for the most part, characterized it, until the Presidential campaign of 1840, when Harrison and Tyler were running, on the Whig ticket, against Van Buren and Johnson.