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boundaries, so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule into these colonies;

For taking away our charters, abolishing our most valuable laws, and altering, fundamentally, the forms of governments;

For suspending our own legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatever.

He has abdicated government here by declaring us out of his protection, and waging war against us.

He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burned our towns, and destroyed the lives of our people.

He is at this time transporting large armies of foreign mercenaries to complete the works of death, desolation, and tyranny, already begun, with circumstances of cruelty and perfidy, scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the head of a civilized nation.

He has constrained our fellow-citizens, taken captive on the high seas, to bear arms against their country, to become the executioners of their friends and brethren, or to fall themselves by their hands.

He has excited domestic insurrection among us, and has endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless Indian savages, whose known rule of warfare is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes, and conditions.

In every stage of these oppressions we have petitioned for redress in the most humble terms. Our repeated petitions have been answered only by repeated injury. A prince, whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people.

Nor have we been wanting in attention to our British brethren. We have warned them, from time to time, of attempts by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the ties of our common kindred to disavow these usurpations, which would inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence. They, too, have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity which denounces our separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind-enemies in war; in peace, friends.

We, therefore, representatives of the UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, in general congress assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the name and by the authority of the good people of these colonies, solemnly publish and declare, that these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, Free and Independent States; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown, and

Plate II

MECHANICAL REFRESENTATON OF THE UNITED STATES.-1776-1781.

SHOWING THE INDEPENDENCE OF EACH COLONY AND THE RELATION
IT SUSTAINED TO THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS.

EXPLANATIONS.

NOTE-Read note in plate I. The action of the colonies in throwing off the British government was based upon the "right of revolution." this is put down as the fundamental law of revolutionary government. The plate shows that the United States" were not "united;" that each was sovereign and independent, and obeyed Congress through uo binding law. The officers of a department and their duties are represented by a round surface.

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LAWS. O. Laws by which the Voting Class Operate with the Government.

1. Laws Controlling the Executive Department.

K. Laws Controlling the Legislative Department.

D. Laws Controlling the Judicial Department.

A. Laws Controlling General Legis-
lation.

G. Laws Controlling the Right of
Revolution.

H. Laws Controlling the Continental
Congress.

B. Laws Controlling the Treasury
Department.

C. Constitution of the State.

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that all political connection between them and the state of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved; and that, as Free and Independent States, they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and do all other acts and things which Independent States may of right do. And for the support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of DIVINE PROVIDENCE, we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor.

JOHN HANCOCK.

NEW HAMPSHIRE.-Josiah Bartlett, William Whipple, Matthew Thorn

ton.

MASSACHUSETTS BAY.-Samuel Adams, John Adams, Robert Treat Paine, Elbridge Gerry.

RHODE ISLAND, ETC.-Stephen Hopkins, William Ellery.

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CONNECTICUT. Roger Sherman, Samuel Huntington, William Williams, Oliver Wolcott.

NEW YORK.--William Floyd, Philip Livingston, Francis Lewis, Lewis Morris.

NEW JERSEY.-Richard Stockton, John Witherspoon, Francis Hopkins, John Hart, Abraham Clark.

PENNSYLVANIA.-Robert Morris, Benjamin Rush, Benjamin Franklin, John Morton, George Clymer, James Smith, George Taylor, James Wilson, George Ross.

DELAWARE.-Cæsar Rodney, George Read, Thomas M'Kean.

MARYLAND.-Samuel Chase, William Paca, Thomas Stone, Charles Carroll, of Carrollton.

VIRGINIA.-George Wythe, Richard Henry Lee, Thomas Jefferson, Benjamin Harrison, Thomas Nelson, Jr., Francis Lightfoot Lee, Jr., Carter Braxton.

NORTH CAROLINA.-William Hooper, Joseph Hewes, John Penn.

SOUTH CAROLINA.-Edward Rutledge, Thomas Hayward, Jr., Thomas Lynch, Jr., Arthur Middleton.

GEORGIA.-Button Gwinnett, Lyman Hall, George Walton.

CHAPTER IV.

CONFEDERATION POLITICS.

NATURE OF THE CONFEDERATION.

Delegates to Congress were elected by the legislatures of the several states, each sending not less than two. These were supported by the states appointing them, and subject to their recall. The delegates were to vote by states, each having one vote, thus placing the large and small states on equality. The states, without the consent of Congress, were prohibited from engaging in war, entering into treaties, or keeping troops and vessels of war, except in times of actual hostility.

The Articles of Confederation constituted a league of friendship for the common defense, the security of liberty, and the general interests of all. The confederation had the exclusive right of determining on peace and war; of entering into treaties and alliances; of sending and receiving ambassadors; of granting letters of marque and reprisal; of deciding cases of captures on land and water; of determining disputes concerning jurisdictions, boundaries, and other cases between the states; of emitting bills of credit; of borrowing or appropriating money; of coining money; and regulating the interests of the nation.

The eighth article was the one that rendered the government so inefficient. It provided that all charges of war, and all other expenses for the common defense and general welfare which Congress might allow, should be defrayed out of the common treasury. The several states were to supply this treasury in proportion to the value of all land within each state; but the levying of taxes for the payment of such pro

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