CHAPTER XVIII.

LINCOLN'S ADMINISTRATION.

1861-1865.

INAUGURATION.

The administration of Lincoln, as foreseen by all, was to be a stormy period in American politics. However, the farreaching sweep of events, soon to transpire, was scarcely within the vision of the most prophetic eye. The country everywhere felt a sense of insecurity. In Washington the friends of the President-elect, apprehensive of danger, took steps to provide for his personal safety. It was believed they had discovered a conspiracy to assassinate Mr. Lincoln while going through Baltimore. Reposing implicit confidence in the people, it was difficult for him to understand, after his triumphal passage through three great states, that such a purpose to thwart the decision of the ballot-box should exist anywhere in the Union. But evidence thickened and he passed Baltimore, in disguise, arriving at Washington about the time he was expected to leave Harrisburg.

From Februry 23d till March 4th was spent in the capital. He was cordially received by Mr. Buchanan and introduced to his cabinet, then in session. The members of the peace congress visited him, and distinguished citizens and official bodies welcomed him.

Monday morning, the 4th of March, 1861, a vast concourse, of every party and shade of political opinion, thronged the city. And although a spark would have kindled the passion of the hour into a flame, the inauguration was accomplished deliberately and without bloodshed.

The ceremonies of inauguration, always impressive, were surrounded with painful solicitude. The vast crowd witnessed the unprecedented spectacle of a number of vacant places among the members of the Senate and House, occasioned by resignations to join the rising southern confederacy. The judges of the Supreme Court were there, Chief Justice Taney attracting attention because of his known pro-slavery principles. Many officers of the army and navy, ministers from foreign courts, and distinguished party leaders, noted with critical eye every movement in the historic scene.

Mr. Lincoln appeared, accompanied by the retiring President, Mr. Buchanan, and by Mr. Douglas, whose friendship at that time could not be too highly appreciated. The oath of office was administered by Chief Justice Taney, Hannibal Hamlin having already received the oath of office as VicePresident, and the newly elected senators having been sworn in.

INAUGURAL ADDRESS.

No man had ever approached so great an occasion with more ability. Firmness, prudence, and humility were so equally blended in the address that, for a time, it disarmed his enemies, and his friends were not quite sure of the strength of his purpose till they had given his words a calm consideration. Its influence was pacific. For a moment all parties were stilled. The abolition element, at the north, felt that it was too conciliatory; the secessionists were incensed by the very calmness which pervaded it; the masses throughout the northern and western states approved, and the "border states" were satisfied. But few comprehended its grasp on the possibilities that lay in the nation's pathway. He re-affirmed the distinguishing feature of the platform on which he was nominated, which declared the "right of each state to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively." but construed the

articles of association of 1774, the Declaration of Independence of 1776, the articles of confederation of 1778, with the constitution of 1887, so as to make it "impossible" for a state "lawfully," "upon its own mere motion to get out of the Union;" and promised that the Union of all the states, would, under the constitution, "defend and maintain itself," while all the power confided to him should be used "to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the government."

LINCOLN'S CABINET.

In the selection of his cabinet Mr. Lincoln manifested rare judgment. It was thoroughly republican, and left no section or state, where there was a pronounced Union sentiment, without representation. William H. Seward, of New York, secretary of state, and Salmon P. Chase, of Ohio, secretary of the treasury, were thoroughly in accord with the anti-slavery element of the country; General Simon Cameron, of Pennsylvania, who believed a prolonged war inevitable, secretary of war; Gideon Wells, of Connecticut, secretary of the navy, and Caleb B. Smith, of Indiana, secretary of the interior, were both popular men; while Edward Bates, of Missouri, attorney-general, and Montgomery Blair, of Maryland, postmaster-general, were selected from states as far south as the administration could go.

ATTEMPTED ADJUSTMENT OF DIFFICULTIES.

Mr. Seward, secretary of state, received, as early as the 11th of March, "through the kind offices of a distinguished senator," a request from Mr. John Forsyth, of Alabama, and Mr. Martin J. Crawford, of Georgia, for an unofficial interview; but the nature of the proposed interview was such that, from "considerations of public policy," it was respectfully declined. This was followed by a written communication from these gentlemen, then in Washington, under date of

March 12, sealed, and delivered on the 13th to Mr. Seward's assistant. This was intended as an official document. In it Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford claim to be "accredited commissioners of the Confederate States of America, to the government of the United States." They represented that seven states had "withdrawn from the United States, and formed a government of their own." They said the "Confederate States constituted an independent nation, de facto and de jure, possessing a government perfect in all its parts, and endowed with all means of self-support;" and closed by requesting a speedy interview, that they might present their credentials to the President of the United states, and lay before him the mission with which they had been entrusted, for the "future welfare of the two nations."

To this bold declaration Secretary Seward replied, stating that he had the honor to submit to them a copy of Mr. Lincoln's inaugural address, a simple reference to which would satisfy those gentlemen that, guided by the principles therein laid down, the secretary was altogether prevented from admitting or assuming that the states referred to by them had, in law or in fact, withdrawn from the federal Union, or that they could do so in the manner assumed. He also refused to appoint a day on which they might present their credentials, and refused to "recognize them as diplomatic agents," or to "hold correspondence with them." He closed by assuring them that the President had been consulted, and that he declined any official intercourse with them.

This correspondence seems sufficiently explicit, and shows the determined purpose on both sides that no concessions were to be made. But there were yet at Washington, and high in civil and political circles, some who entertained hopes of some kind of amicable adjustment, whether through compromise or by disunion does not clearly appear. Prominent among these was John A. Campbell, a citizen of Alabama,

and member of the Supreme Court. Judge Campbell interposed his friendly offices in behalf of the claims of Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford, and seems to have thought, at one time, he would be successful. He addressed Secretary Seward, under date of April 13, complaining that certain conversations with reference to sending supplies to Fort Sumter had led him to expect a different result in the action of the government. His impression was that Fort Sumter would have been peaceably evacuated, and he had assured the aforesaid confederate commissioners that no measure "prejudicious" to the southern confederate states was contemplated on the 15th of March. He claimed that the southern leaders were acting under the impression that "systematic duplicity" had been exercised toward them, in which impression he seemed to fully share; and concluded by demanding an explanation.

To this no reply was made, since it would have been, indirectly, giving an account of the government for its actions to Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford.

In the meantime, these gentlemen having failed to obtain an audience as the representatives of a distinct nation, addressed another letter to Secretary Seward, April 9, in which they claimed for the confederacy the rights springing from a "manifest and accomplished revolution;" and accepting for their government and people, as they expressed it, "the gauge of battle," which they claimed had been thrown. down by the United States when it refused them official recognition.

Whatever misunderstanding existed in regard to negotiations for peace, or in regard to possessing and holding the United States forts on the southern coast, is easily explained by the fact that the parties were working at cross purposes. One was demanding peace and the Union; the other asked peace with disunion. And if, as claimed, the President wa