expressly denies to the general government all power to deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; and, therefore, the government, having no more power to make a slave than to make a king, and no more power to establish slavery than to establish a monarchy, should at once proceed to relieve itself from all responsibility for the existence of slavery, wherever it possesses constitutional power to legislate for its extinction.

5. That, to the persevering and importunate demands of the slave power for more slave states, new slave territories, and the nationalization of slavery, our distinct and final answer is-no more slave states, no slave territory, no nationalized slavery, and no national legislation for the extradition of slaves.

6. That slavery is a sin against God, and a crime against man, which no human enactment nor usage can make right; and that Christianity, humanity, and patriotism alike demand its abolition.

7. That the fugitive slave act of 1850 is repugnant to the constitution, to the principles of the common law, to the spirit of Christianity, and to the sentiments of the civilized world; we, therefore, deny its binding force on the American people, and demand its immediate and total repeal.

8. That the doctrine that any human law is a finality, and not subject to modification or repeal, is not in accordance with the creed of the founders of our government, and is dangerous to the liberties of the people.

9. That the acts of Congress, known as the compromise measures of 1850, by making the admission of a sovereign state contingent upon the adoption of other measures demanded by the special interests of slavery; by their omission to guarantee freedom in the free territories; by their at tempt to impose unconstitutional limitations on the powers of Congress and the people to admit new states; by their provisions for the assumption of five millions of the state debt of Texas, and for the payment of five millions more, and the cession of large territory to the same state under menace, as an inducement to the relinquishment of a groundless claim; and by their invasion of the sovereignty of the states and the liberties of the people, through the enactment of an unjust, oppressive, and uncon stitutional fugitive slave law, are proved to be inconsistent with all the principles and maxims of democracy, and wholly inadequate to the settlement of the questions of which they are claimed to be an adjustment.

10. That no permanent settlement of the slavery question can be looked for except in the practical recognition of the truth that slavery is sectional and freedom national; by the total separation of the general government from slavery, and the exercise of its legitimate and constitutional influence on the side of freedom; and by leaving to the states the whole subject of slavery and the extradition of fugitives from service.

11. That all men have a natural right to a portion of the soil; and that as the use of the soil is indispensable to life, the right of all men to the soil is a s sacred as their right to life itself.

12. That the public lands of the United States belong to the people, and should not be sold to individuals, nor granted to corporations, but should be held as a sacred trust for the benefit of the people, and should be granted in limited quantities, free of cost, to landless settlers.

13. That due regard for the federal constitution, a sound administrative policy, demand that the funds of the general government be kept parate from banking institutions; that inland and ocean postage shou be reduced to the lowest possible point; that no more revenue should be raised than is required to defray the strictly necessary expenses of the public service, and to pay off the public debt; and that the power and patronage of the government should be diminished by the abolition of all unnecessary offices, salaries, and privileges, and by the election by the people of all civil officers in the service of the United States, so far as may be consistent with the prompt and efficient transaction of the public business.

14. That river and harbor improvements, when necessary to the safety and convenience of commerce with foreign nations, or among the several states, are objects of national concern; and it is the duty of Congress, in the exercise of its constitutional powers, to provide for the same.

15. That emigrants and exiles from the old world should find a cordial welcome to homes of comfort and fields of enterprise in the new; and every attempt to abridge their privilege of becoming citizens and owners of soil among us ought to be resisted with inflexible determination.

16. That every nation has a clear right to alter or change its own government, and to administer its own concerns in such manner as may best secure the rights and promote the happiness of the people; and foreign interference with that right is a dangerous violation of the law of nations, against which all independent governments should protest, and endeavor by all proper means to prevent; and especially is it the duty of the American government, representing the chief republic of the world, to protest against, and by all proper means to prevent, the intervention of kings and emperors against nations seeking to establish for themselves republican or constitutional governments.

17. That the independence of Hayti ought to be recognized by our government, and our commercial relations with it placed on the footing of the most favored nations.

18. That as by the constitution, "the citizens of each state shall be entitled to all the privileges and immunities of citizens in the several states," the practice of imprisoning colored seamen of other states, while the vessels to which they belong lie in port, and refusing the exercise of the right

to bring such cases before the Supreme Court of the United States, to test the legality of such proceedings, is a flagrant violation of the constitution, and an invasion of the rights of the citizens of other states, utterly inconsistent with the professions made by the slaveholders, that they wish the provisions of the constitution faithfully observed by every state in the Union.

19. That we recommend the introduction into all treaties hereafter to be negotiated between the United States and foreign nations, of some provision for the amicable settlement of difficulties by a resort to decisive arbitrations.

20. That the free democratic party is not organized to aid either the whig or democratic wing of the great slave compromise party of the nation, but to defeat them both; and that repudiating and renouncing both as hopelessly corrupt and utterly unworthy of confidence, the purpose of the free democracy is to take possession of the federal government and administer it for the better protection of the rights and interests of the whole people.

21. That we inscribe on our banner Free Soil, Free Speech, Free Labor, and Free Men, and under it will fight on and fight ever, until a triumphant victory shall reward our exertions.

22. That upon this platform, the convention presents to the American people, as a candidate for the office of President of the United States, John P. Hale, of New Hampshire, and as a candidate for the office of VicePresident of the United States, George W. Julian, of Indiana, and earnestly commend them to the support of all freemen and all parties.

CHAPTER XVI.

PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION.

1853-1857.

THE PRESIDENT'S POLITICAL VIEWS.

Mr. Pierce held that negro slavery, in those states where it existed, was recognized by the constitution; that it stood on an equal footing with any other admitted right, and that the states wherein it existed were entitled to efficient remedies to enforce the constitutional provisions which protected it. He also declared his opinion, that the compromise measures, including the fugitive slave law, were strictly constitutional, and should be unhesitatingly carried into effect.

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Congress met December 5, 1853, with an increased demoThirty-third Congress,cratic majority in both branches. In First Session. his message to this Congress the President disclaimed any purpose, on his part, of giving prominence to any subject which might be properly regarded as set at rest by the deliberate judgment of the people. He thought the present bright with promise, but the future demanded the exercise of active intelligence in order that the dangers hitherto encountered might not fail to fulfill the objects of a wise design. He assured those who placed him in power, that the repose which the country was then enjoying should suffer no shock if he had power to avert it. And yet, despite these assurances, the country was just entering upon an era of the deepest and most intense agitation of the vexed question of slavery she had ever yet experienced.

KANSAS-NEBRASKA BILL.

During the last session of Congress an attempt had been made to organize the territory of Nebraska, but the bill having passed the House, failed to be acted on in the Senate. This territory was a part of the Louisiana purchase. From this purchase there had already been admitted into the Union five states, Louisiana, Missouri, and Arkansas, slave; Iowa and Minnesota, free. The question of slavery extension now received a new impetus.

In January, 1851, Senator Douglas, of Illinois, reported a bill to organize the territory of Nebraska. By an amendment to this bill the territory was divided into two parts, the one directly west of Missouri, and between the parallels of 37° and 40°, to be called Kansas, the other, lying just north of this, and between the parallels of 40° and 43°, to be called Nebraska. The compromise of 1820 prohibited slavery in both of these territories, but the present bill was so amended as to declare the Missouri line annulled by the compromises of 1850. These measures were declared to "rest upon the great principles of self-government," that the people should be allowed to decide for themselves the questions of their domestic institutions. The Douglas bill was advocated by the democratic party, which, being in the ascendency in both houses, carried the measure without difficulty. The free-soil party and the anti-slavery whigs contested the movement at every step. This division in the whig party proved its final destruction. The name "whig" was repudiated by the northern section of the party, who, for a time, were denominated antiNebraska men. The southern section managed to exist a few years longer, but being so nearly like the southern democracy on the question of slavery they could hardly be called a distinct party. The passage of this bill opened all the territo