Page images
PDF
EPUB

ple of all civil officers in the service of the government, so far as the same may be practicable.

13. Resolved, That river and harbor improvements, when demanded by the safety and convenience of commerce with foreign nations, or among the several states, are objects of national concern, and that it is the duty of Congress, in the exercise of its constitutional power, to provide therefor. 14. Resolved, That the free grant to actual settlers, in consideration of the expenses they incur in making settlements in the wilderness, which are usually fully equal to their actual cost, and of the public benefits resulting therefrom, of reasonable portions of the public lands, under suitable limitations, is a wise and just measure of public policy, which will promote in various ways the interests of all the states of this Union; and we, therefore, recommend it to the favorable consideration of the American people.

15. Resolved, That the obligations of honor and patriotism require the earliest practical payment of the national debt, and we are, therefore, in favor of such a tariff of duties as will raise revenue adequate to defray the expenses of the federal government, and to pay annual installments of our debt and the interest thereon.

16. Resolved, That we inscribe on our banner, "Free Soil, Free Speech, Free Labor, and Free Men," and under it we will fight on, and fight ever, until a triumphant victory shall reward our exertions.

CHAPTER XV.

TAYLOR AND FILLMORE'S ADMINISTRATIONS.

1849-1853.

TAYLOR'S POLICY.

Taylor was not a partisan. He was a whig, but from the nature of his profession had not been much identified with the distinctive policy of the whig party. In taking upon himself the duties to which he had been called, he proposed to be the President of the country rather than his party. In answer to certain inquiries, prior to his election, the General professed an aversion to the frequent use of the veto power, believing that it should never be resorted to except in "cases of clear violation of the constitution, or manifest haste and want of consideration by Congress." Upon the subject of the tariff, the currency, the improvement of our great highways, rivers, lakes, and harbors, he thought the will of the people, as expressed through their representatives in Congress, ought to be respected, and carried out by the Executive. He rejoiced at the successful termination of the Mexican war, and declared that the principles of our government, as well as its true policy, are opposed to the subjugation of other nations and the dismemberment of other countries by conquest. In dictating terms of peace with Mexico he believed that, as our national honor had been amply vindicated, forbearance and magnanimity should be exercised. He determined to conduct his administration free from the influence of pro-slavery advocates, and appealed for support to certain statesmen who accorded with his views on the extension of slavery. Senator Seward responded and became the executive's confidential

advisor. The power of removal and appointment was exercised with care and deliberation, with a view to the efficiency of the government service rather than the advancement of party favorites.

SQUATTER SOVEREIGNTY.

Upon the accession of the pro-slavery whigs to power, there came into prominent existence the doctrine that the constitution gave Congress no power to interfere with slavery in territories, and that the people of each territory should allow or prohibit slavery as they pleased. This was called squatter sovereignty. By this doctrine, of course, the Missouri compromise of 1820, which prohibited slavery in the territories north of 36°, 30', was discarded. This was a strict constructionist theory, and the southern leaders of the democratic party espoused it in opposition to the doctrine of the Wilmot proviso, which forbade slavery in the new territory.

Congress met December 3, 1849; the democrats having a Thirty-first Congress, majority in the Senate, and the free soilers holding the balance of power between the other two parties in the House. After balloting a great number of times, Howell Cobb, of Georgia, a democrat and a slavery man, was chosen speaker. On the 24th, the President submitted his message. He suggested that the deficit in the treasury be supplied temporarily by loans, and permanently by an increase of tariff duties. The continuance or modification of the sub-treasury was left to the wisdom of Congress, while it was recommended that the people of the territories of California and New Mexico be left to take the initiatory steps for admission as states.

GOVERNMENT FOR THE MEXICAN CESSION.

In December, 1849, Congress began legislation for the establishment of government over the territory acquired from Mexico. The subject of slavery rendered the task a difficult

one.

When several plans had been submitted without success, Mr. Clay, January 10, 1850, introduced eight resolutions as compromises for adjusting the entire controversy on slavery. These resolutions were: 1st. That California, with suitable boundaries, ought to be admitted, without restriction in respect to slavery; 2d. That as slavery was not likely to be introduced into any of the territory acquired from Mexico, appropriate governments ought to be established in the balance of the territory, without restriction in respect to slavery; 3d. That the western boundary of Texas should be so established as not to infringe on New Mexico; 4th. That the United States should assume and pay, upon certain conditions, the debt of Texas; 5th. That it was expedient to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, without consent of the people and compensation to the owners of the slaves; 6th. That it was expedient to prohibit the slave trade therein; 7th. That further provision ought to be made for the reclamation and extradition of fugitive slaves; and 8th. That Congress possesses no power to prohibit traffic in slaves between the people of the slaveholding states.

OMNIBUS BILL.

Upon these propositions, separately and collectively, an earnest debate ensued, which continued some four months, when, April 17, a select committee of the Senate, headed by Mr. Clay, reported a bill consisting of thirty-nine sections, embodying most of the resolutions which had been discussed. From its all-comprehensive nature it was called the omnibus bill.

COMPROMISE MEASURES OF 1850.

The points comprehended in the omnibus bill were as follows: 1st. When new states formed out of Texas present themselves, it shall be the duty of Congress to admit them; 2d. The immediate admission of California, with the bound

aries which she has proposed; 3d. The establishment of territorial governments for Utah and New Mexico, without the Wilmot proviso; 4th. The combination of points 2 and 3 in one bill; 5th. The excission from Texas of all New Mexico, rendering therefor a pecuniary equivalent; 6th. The enactment of a law for the effectual rendition of fugitive slaves escaping into the free states; 7th. No interference with slavery in the District of Columbia, but the slave trade therein should be abolished, under heavy penalties. This bill was discussed until the last of July, and then passed by the Senate, but it had been so pruned by successive amendments that it contained only a provision for the organization of a territorial government for Utah. In this condition it was sent to the House. There, as a whole, the bill was rejected, but its main heads were passed in August as separate bills, and were designated the compromise measures of 1850, and, in their accepted shape, required: (1) Utah and New Mexico to be organized into territories, without reference to slavery; (2) California to be admitted as a free state; (3) $10,000,000 to be paid to Texas for her claim to New Mexico; (4) fugitive slaves to be returned to their masters; and (5) the slave trade to be abolished in the District of Columbia. The compromises were received by the leaders of the two great parties as a final settlement of the vexed questions which had so long troubled Congress and agitated the country, but the storm was only temporarily allayed. In accordance with these measures California became a state of the Union September 9, 1850. The most important feature of this bill, in its bearing upon future struggles and conflicts, was the fugitive slave law, which was very stringent in its provisions. United States commissioners were directed and encouraged to surrender fugitive slaves without trial by jury, and such was the disgust and horror caused at the north by the diligent and often inhuman way in which this was carried out, that some north

« PreviousContinue »