it; for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs, that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat it, therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But, in my opinion, it is unnecessary, and would be unwise to extend them.

Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable establishments, on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies.

Harmony, and a liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand; neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences; consulting the natural cause of things; diffusing and diversifying, by gentle means, the streams of commerce, by forcing nothing; establishing, with powers so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the government to support them, conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances and mutual opinions will permit, but temporary, and liable to be, from time to time, abandoned or varied, as experience and circumstances shall dictate; constantly keeping in view; that it is folly in one nation to look for disinterested favors from another that it must pay, with a portion of its independence, for whatever it may accept under that character; that by such acceptance it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favors, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no greater error than to expect, or calculate upon, real favors from nation to nation. It is an illusion which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard.

In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression I could wish; that they will control the usual current of the passions, or prevent our nation from running the course which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations; but if I may even flatter myself that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigues, to guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism; this hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude for your welfare by which they have been dictated.

How far, in the discharge of my official duties, I have been guided by the principles which have been delineated, the public records, and other evidences of my conduct, must witness to you and the world. To myself, the assurance of my own conscience is, that I have at least believed myself to be guided by them.

In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my proclamation of the 23d of April, 1793, is the index to my plan. Sanctioned by your approving voice and by that of your representatives in both Houses of Congress, the spirit of that measure has continually governed me, uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it.

After deliberate examination, with the aid of the best lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied that our country, under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and interest to take, a national position. Having taken it, I determined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it with moderation, perseverance, and firmness.

The considerations which respect the right to hold this conduct, it is not necessary on this occasion to detail. I will only observe, that, according to my understanding of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of the belligerent powers, has been virtually admitted by all.

The duty of holding neutral conduct may be inferred, without anything more, from the obligation which justice and humanity imposes on every nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and unity towards other nations.

The inducements of interests, for observing that conduct, will best be referred to your own reflections and experience. With me, a predominant motive has been to endeavor to gain time to our country to settle and mature its yet recent institutions, and to progress, without interruption, to that degree of strength and consistency which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the command of its own fortunes.

Though, in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I am unconscious of intentional error; I am, nevertheless, too sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope that my country will never come to view them with indulgence; and that, after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its service with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest.

Relying on its kindness in this, as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love towards it which is so natural to a man who views in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations, I anticipate, with pleasing expectation, that retreat in which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of fellow-citizens, the benign influence of good laws under a free government, the ever favorite object of my heart, and happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labors and dangers. GEORGE WASHINGTON.

United States, 17th of September, 1796.

CHAPTER VI.

JOHN ADAMS' ADMINISTRATION.

1797-1801.

PRESIDENT'S POSITION.

John Adams was inaugurated President in Congress Hall, Philadelphia, March 4, 1797. There was a vague feeling in the minds of all, that storms and difficulties would soon beset the ship of state, now that the one man whom all trusted and honored had left the helm. Hamilton, the recognized leader of the federal party, did not entertain the highest regard for Mr. Adams, and expressed decided fears as to the future, while Adams himself "was fully conscious that his lot had fallen on evil days." In his inaugural address he denied the charge of sympathy for England "which had been hurled against the administration." This somewhat softened the ardor of republican opposition; but though greatly gratified with this, he still continued his attachment for those who had elevated him to the position of Chief Magistrate, and the cabinet of his predecessor was retained.

FRANCE.

At the opening of the new administration our relations Fifth Congress, with France were in a critical condition. Extra Session. In his inaugural, the President had barely touched upon them, merely expressing his high regard for the French people, and wishing that the friendship of the two nations might continue. But affairs grew more and more complicated. C. C. Pinkney, the American minister at France, was ordered to quit the territory, and a decree

was issued authorizing the capture of neutral vessels having on board any productions of Great Britain or her possessions, while a number of American vessels had been actually seized. The French Directory were particularly incensed at Jay's treaty, and expressed in studied terms a contempt for the American government. This alarming situation of affairs induced the President to call an extra session of Congress, which assembled on the 15th of May, 1797. In his message to this Congress, he treated the question exclusively. He laid before them a statement of the aggressions of France, and in strong but temperate language recommended the adoption of “effectual measures of defense." It is necessary, he argues, "to convince France and the world that we are not a degraded people, humiliated under a colonial spirit of fear and sense of inferiority, fitted to be miserable instruments of foreign influence, and regardless of national honor, character, and interest." He indicated his intention, at the same time, however, of making another effort at negotiation. Advances for reconciliation met the concurrence of the Senate, in which body there was an administration majority. Pinkney, Marshall and Gerry were chosen to negotiate for a friendly settlement of the pending difficulties and the resumption of diplomatic relations with France.

"STAMP ACT."

During the extra session an act was passed "laying duties on stamped vellum, parchment and paper." This law resembled the stamp act of 1765, and was obnoxious to a large number of people.

WAR WITH FRANCE THREATENED.

Congress adjourned July 10, and the envoys soon after departed for France. Their efforts at negotiation were entirely fruitless. If they were not treated with open discour

tesy, they were at least denied a treatment worthy the embassadors of a free people. A bribe was demanded of them to the French Directory, and a loan to the French Republic, as preliminaries to any negotiation. At last they received peremptory orders to quit France. Their mission became known as the X. Y. Z. Mission, from the initials used by the agents who demanded the bribes. The publication of this correspondence greatly disconcerted Talleyrand, the foreign minister of the French Directory, and as greatly strengthened the federal influence at home. During all this time the French continued their attacks on American commerce.

PREPARATION FOR WAR.

Congress met November 13, 1797. There was at first an Fifth Congress, indisposition on the part of the republicans First Session. to resent the insults offered by France, so that early in 1798 the House voted down a proposition to arm American vessels. The war spirit began to prevail, however, and several acts were passed with a view to getting ready for war. A standing army (May, 1798), a naval armament, and the capture of French vessels, were authorized. Washington was made lieutenant-general of the army. The treaties with France were declared no longer binding upon the United States, and the President was given authority to issue letters of marque and reprisal. Although neither country declared war, hostilities were begun upon the ocean. France, seeing the hostile attitude of the United States, made overtures for the adjustment of difficulties. These were accepted, and resulted in a treaty of peace (1800). The passage of those measures relating to the provision of a standing army and naval armament, though sustained for a time by the high current of war feeling, nevertheless were not pleasing to the republicans. They maintained that previous to actual hostilities, the militia and a small naval force were