MY

IV.

R. E. FENTON.

Y relations with President Lincoln were cordial. I was a I was a member of the House of Representatives when he entered upon the duties. of President, and remained in the House until December, 1864, when I resigned my seat for the office of Governor of New York.

In the summer and fall of 1864-during the Presidential canvass-there was great anxiety in respect to the decision of the people at the ballotbox, as well as to our varying success on the field of arms. The war for the Union had prospered slowly. Determining results had not been realized. Its frightful proportions were more apparent as the days increased. Patriotic people

became restless. Many of our Republican friends thought the war was not prosecuted with sufficient. vigor and wisdom. Party spirit was embittered by conflicting sympathies, and severe criticisms were ventured touching the conduct of the war. The Democratic party had in terms even declared it to be "a failure." To add intensity to the anxiety on

the Republican side at this condition of affairs, the government of New York State was in Democratic hands. Our principal commercial port, our great city and center of money and exchange, was within the boundary of the State, and State and local authorities, or the practices under them, might at any time seriously embarrass the General Government in the farther prosecution of the war. Hence, New York was a stake of mighty import. was certain to exert itself to the utmost. beyond the electoral vote of the State as a possible factor in merely deciding who should be President, the case was surrounded with the gravest concern, especially for those in charge of the government, and whose war purposes and policy were clearly defined.

Each party
And, even

On the 22d day of August, I received a telegram from Mr. John G. Nicolay, Private Secretary, saying that the President desired to see me. I arrived in Washington next day. The President, speaking to me said, in language as nearly as I can remember: "You are to be nominated by our folks for Governor of your State. Seymour of course will be the Democratic nominee. You will have a hard fight. I am very desirous that you should win the battle. New York should be on our side by honest possession. There is some trouble among our folks over there, which we must try and manage. Or, rather,

there is one man who may give us trouble, because of his indifference, if in no other way. He has great influence, and his feelings may be reflected in many of his friends. We must have his counsel and cooperation if possible. This, in one sense, is more important to you than to me, I think, for I should rather expect to get on without New York, but you can't. But in a larger sense than what is merely personal to myself, I am anxious for New York, and we must put our heads together and see if the matter can't be fixed."

In a word, Mr. Thurlow Weed was dissatisfied with the disposition of the federal patronage in the city of New York. Especially he felt that Mr. Simeon Draper, Collector of the Port, and Mr. Rufus F. Andrews, Surveyor, were unfriendly to him, and that he had no voice in those places of influence and power. Patronage had a welcome in the public service then. Removals and appointments were made upon the judgment or caprice of those at the head. The Republican convention in New York to place a candidate for Governor before the people was to come off early in September.

As a result of this consultation with Mr. Lincoln, in the evening of the day after my arrival in Washington, Mr. Nicolay and I left for New York, and in Room No. 11, Astor House, next forenoon, I had a talk with Mr. Weed. I need not speak of the par