Congress have fought the Ku-Klux bill as party measure directed against their adherents in the South. The Republican administration will enforce it as a measure of peace to the country and security to all its citizens."

The only objection that Mr. Greeley even intimated at the time consists in the fact that the law, in his view, was not sufficiently stringent. He would have had a still stronger law. He found no fault with the section which authorizes the President to suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus, when the necessity existed therefor. Previously to the enactment of the law he had filled the columnes of the Tribune from day to day with the evidences of outrages and murders committed by the Ku-Klux Klans, showing the extent of these nefarious organizations, and proving the absolute necessity of interference by the General Government for their suppression.

To show that the language of the Tribune, cited above, embodied Mr. Greeley's own sentiments, we quote from his speech before the Lincoln club on the 12th of June, 1871:

"But I have been asked, 'Are there any Ku-Klux down South?' 'Yes, gentlemen, there are. They didn't come up to me, and tell me they were Ku-Klux very often. * * * I hold it to be the duty of the Government of the Union to oppose, with all its power and all its force, every such execrable proceeding as this. Do you tell me that those men are liable to the State laws for the assaults and batteries which they have committed. I don't doubt it; but I say they are also in substance and purpose traitors to the government, rebels against its authority, and the most cowardly, skulking rebels ever known to this or any other country. I hold our government bound by its duty of protecting our citizens in their fundamental rights, to pass and enforce laws for the extirpation of the execrable Ku-Klux conspiracy; and if it has not power to do it, I say our government is no government, but a sham. I therefore, on every proper occasion, advocated and justified the Ku-Klux I hold it especially desirable for the South; and if it does not prove strong enough to effect its purpose, I hope it will be made stronger."

act.

And he showed how his present Southern friends had carried Louisiana in 1868 for Seymour, notwithstanding there was 30,000 Republican majority in the State, adding, "You know perfectly well that this result was secured only by terrorism and violence."

GREELEY AND TAMMANY.

In following Mr. Greeley through some of his wanderings after strange gods, and his dangerous lapses from the excellent rules and principles with which he commenced political life, we have only space left to point to his flirtations with Tammany, the most desperate of political prostitutes. The record of the Tribune on this subject is unquestionably bad. On many occasions of local elections it has been found veering about in strange ways, like a compass needle in the vicinity of a hidden lodestone. It would favor all manner of queer coalitions with the Democracy, and the nominees thus united upon would be found, when installed in office, to be suspiciously lenient toward the practices of Tammany. It would be continually embroiled with the management of the Republican party in its own State, and would rarely have any serious quarrel with the monster of corruption that was eating up the store of New York city taxpayers. Pretending to be a tribune of the people, an independent and fearless journal, ready to lash evil-doers wherever it found them, and to carry out the high-sounding precept of its editor to young Americans—“ Be no man's man but Truth's and your country's"-(borrowed from Shakspeare's Wolsey, but still none the less a fine precept,) it sat in its easy chair, never budging, except to thwack the Custom House officials once a day pretty regularly-sat until the rascals in Tammany

Hall and the City Hall had stolen $60,000,000 out of the treasury of the city and county of New York-stolen dollars where a cent was wasted at the Custom House.

When, finally, the other New York journals, led by the Times, commenced the scathing exposition and denunciation of the Tammany frauds, which led to the expulsion of Tweed and his ring from the offices which they had abused, and which, besides causing many of them to disgorge their spoils, came near landing them in the penitentiary, the Tribune was all the while pulling back and exclaiming, “Let us be calm; let us not make any assertions until we can have incontestible proofs," etc. When the Times came out with transcripts from the Comptroller's books, which showed a fearful record of wholesale thieving, with data to indicate just where the money went, who audited the bills, and what the pretext was, Mr. Greeley still cried, "Hold!" "These accounts are surreptitiously obtained," said he ; and he published Oakey Hall's quibbling answers, and treated the complaint as nothing more than a newspaper sensation. It was not until forced into it by the denunciations. and threats of its patrons that the Tribune rallied and made a show of helping to expose Tammany. Meantime how more than cat-like was it in its vigilance toward the Custom House authorities! How quick to pounce upon the merest mouse that was suspected of gnawing at the revenues of Uncle Sam!

THE WHEREFORE.

Why this discrimination in favor of the greatest, most barefaced robbery ever perpetrated under political protection, and against an administration (meaning that of the New York custom house) more efficient than any of its predecessors had been? It is not enough to argue that the $50,000 a year which (according to the New York Times) the Tribune derived from Tammany printing jobs. served to control its course in this manner. Those who know Mr. Greeley know he cannot be bought with money. They also know that he can be wheedled into almost any project by a due application of flattery, protestation and cajolery, and that he is especially susceptible to the blandishments of those who promise him high office.

Greeley saw the debt of New York city increased, in the face of enormous taxes, $66,500,000 in thirty-one months, and never so much as growled. He saw the debt of the United States diminished by $242,128,401 in twenty-nine contemporaneous months, and yet rent the air with his vociferous complaints.

This achievement was the work of General Grant's administration, and Greeley "knew a man" whom he preferred to see in Grant's place. That achievement was the work of Tammany's administration, and Greeley knew a man who would soon need Tammany's votes. Verbum sat.

CHAPTER XXIV.

GREELEY AS A BOOK FARMER.

A Chapter Consisting of what Mr. Greeley Knows About Farming, and which, therefore, has Nothing In It.

We had intended to go somewhat into detail in describing Mr. Greeley's method of farming and enunciating his peculiar theories concerning agriculture—all this mainly as a curiosity, and as an illustration of how easy it is for a born philosopher to construct half a dozen theories without possessing one fact; but our space is too far overrun for this, and the chapter will therefore have to be very brief.

Mr. Greeley has a farm at Chappaqua station, town of Newcastle, Westchester county, New York, some 35 miles from the city. This farm, mostly marsh and unpromising upland, cost him $140 an acre; and he has been at work on it twenty years trying to make a model farm of it. Its total area, as increased by late purchases, is seventy acres; and of this, fifty acres is a hill-top. He visits it every Saturday, and gives the man who carries it on for him a good top-dressing of profanity and a rich mulching of theory; and the man has, by diligently avoiding the latter and benignantly forgiv