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inherent right to their "due share" of land, and the right of constant employment; and that these rights cannot be guaranteed without a radical change in our social economy. In the second he outlined the system of co-operation by phalanxes. In the third he unfolded the same fully, and enunciated substantially the theory of Fourier; i. e., common property, etc. And so on, to the end of the last chapter, wherein he yearned for "the association of two or three hundred families, after the similitude of a bank or a whale-ship (!) inhabiting a common edifice." He saw in the benevolent movements of the present time the portents of a good time coming. In this faith," he declared, "I labor and live; share it or scout it, as you will. Adieu." And here he appended those awe-inspiring initials, "H. G." with which the public has become so familiar.

It was generally pronounced that Raymond had the better of his antagonist in this discussion; but in estimating the intellectual merits of the performance, it must be borne in mind that Raymond had the sympathy of the entire public, to begin with.

However well he may have argued, he did not convince "H. G."-that is certain; for ten years. later we find that staunch disputant still "flying in the teeth of prejudice," and incontinently tendering a loan of $12,000 to the North American Phalanx -an offer which does more credit to his heart than to his head, since the Phalanx was then in the throes of dissolution, and was soon sold out at sixty cents on the dollar.

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CHAPTER XXIII.

GREELEY AS A POLITICIAN.

His Political Life Characterized-Greeley's First Experience at " Relegating"-The Tippecanoe Campaign-The Clay Fiasco-"Isms" of the Philosopher-In Congress-His Career as a Legislator-The Partnership with Seward and Weed-Greeley Indignantly Withdraws-Cause of his WrathThe FamousSeward Letter-Greeley Favors Secession-Defeats Seward at Chicago-The War Comes On-" Forward to Richmond !"-Thorning Lincoln-The Cleveland Convention-" Anybody to Beat Lincoln"-Greeley Winks at the Movement-The Niagara Falls Affair-Greeley Hobnobs with Bogus Rebel Commissioners-Blames Lincoln and Misrepresents HimNoble Letter of the Martyr President-The War Ended-Greeley Does go On to Richmond-What he Does There-Indignation of the Public— Greeley's Opinion of Himself and Other Presidency-Hunters-Greeley and Tammany.

Horace Greeley's public career as a politician— all the while as an influential writer and the most of the time as an inside manager of politics-already stretches over a period of about thirty-eight years, commencing with the founding of the New Yorker in 1834. It did not, however, put on that very actice phase which has for the most part, characterized it, until the Presidential campaign of 1840, when Harrison and Tyler were running, on the Whig ticket, against Van Buren and Johnson.

The campaign was an unprecedently active one, being known as the Hard Cider and Log Cabin Campaign. The canvass commenced as early as the December preceding the election-nearly eleven months being thus allowed for "working up" the candidates.

THE RELEGATING BUSINESS.

The convention which nominated Harrison took place at Harrisburg, and it, like the campaign, was long and bitter. At this convention recurred Mr. Greeley's first experience at "relegating" troublesome questions to the several localities-something which may have struck our younger politicians as a new trick in politics, when introduced by Greeley as a stepping-stone to the candidacy at Cincinnati. We read in one of the earliest issues of the Tribune an explanation of this matter, in response to a question which had been raised as to whether the Whig party then had any platform. It seems that the Convention broke up and went home without adopting any platform at all; the Tribune explaining that on the last day of the session, "every thought was turned to the healing of disappointments and the solution of a Vice President" [and the one that they elected proved soon that they had better turned more careful thoughts in that direction]; and that "each delegation should," on returning home, "communicate to their constituents the nomination and the reasons for sustaining it in such manner as they should think proper." It was

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