Dred Scot Decision, was profound, unanswerable. The speech startled the convention, and, published in all the leading journals, made a profound impression throughout the republic. It served as text for many a political harangue during subsequent campaigns, and it at once taught the country that if Senator Douglas did not have his equal in debate on the floor of the Senate, he would find him in this till then comparatively unknown lawyer of Illinois. He did, in fact, soon return home from Washington, and made a speech in the city of Chicago, in reply to Mr. Lincoln's Springfield address. To this, Mr. Lincoln speedily rejoined, and soon afterwards arrangements were made for a series of joint debates between these two celebrated men. It is certain that no State campaign was ever more animatedly conducted, or attracted more general attention. On those days when these great disputants were not engaged in joint discussion, they addressed large audiences in independent meetings, and all Illinois rang with their argumentation and eloquence. Through the elaborate reports of the newspaper press, the whole country listened, and with eager interest, to the joint debates. At their conclusion Abraham Lincoln was universally acknowledged to be among the ablest of American thinkers and speakers. His fame was exalted and national.

CHAPTER II.

HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.

(CONTINUED.)

The Chicago Convention of 1860-Nomination of Lincoln and HamlinThe Platform-The Canvass-Success of the Republicans-The South Belligerent-President Lincoln's Inaugural Address-His Cabinet, Etc.

Lincoln was, however, defeated for the Senate, Mr. Douglas being again elected by the Legislature. But when the National Convention of the Republican party assembled at Chicago in 1860, it was at once discovered that Mr. Lincoln was a formidable candidate for the Presidency.

He had friends and admirers in all parts of the country. The convention itself was very large, while the attendance of visitors was so great as to crowd the city for days. The "outside pressure" for Mr. Lincoln was tremendous. He was nominated on the third ballot, amid excitement and enthusiasm the like of which has rarely been witnessed in this country. Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine, was chosen for the second place on the ticket. The platform, which, it is believed, was chiefly prepared by Horace Greeley and the Hon. John A. Kasson, of Iowa, was much more elaborate than that of 1856. As showing the growth of the party in respect of platform literature, it may be well to quote the entire document:

16

CHICAGO PLATFORM OF 1860.

Resolved, That we, the delegated representatives of the Republican electors of the United States, in Convention assembled, in discharge of the duty we owe to our constituents and our country, unite in the following declaration :

"I. That the history of the nation, during the last four years, has fully established the propriety and necessity of the organization and perpetuation of the Republican party, and that the causes which called it into existence are permanent in their nature, and now, more than ever before, demand its peaceful and constitutional triumph.

"2. That the maintainance of the principles promulgated in the Declaration of Independence, and embodied in the Federal Constitution, "That all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; that to secure these rights governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed," is essential to the preservation of our Republican institutions; and that the Federal Constitution, the rights of the States, and the Union of the States, must and shall be preserved.

"3. That to the Union of the States this nation owes its unprecedented increase in population, its surprising development of material resources, its rapid augmentation of wealth, its happiness at home, and its honor abroad; and we hold in abhorrence all schemes for Disunion, come from whatever source they may; and we congratulate the country that no Republican member of Congress has uttered or countenanced the threats of Disunion so often made by Democratic members, without rebuke and with applause from their political associates; and we denounce those threats of Disunion, in case of a popular overthrow of their ascendancy, as denying the vital principles of a free government, and as an avowal of contemplated treason, which it is the imperative duty of an indignant people sternly to rebuke and forever silence.

"4. That the maintainance, inviolate, of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of powers on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depends; and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter under what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.

"5. That the present Democratic Admistration has far exceeded our worst apprehensions in its measureless subserviency to the exactions of a sectional interest, as especially evinced in its desperate exertions to force the infamous Lecompton Constitution upon the protesting people of Kansas; in

construing the personal relation between master and servant to involve an unqualified property in persons; in its attempted enforcement everywhere, on land and sea, through the intervention of Congress, and of the Federal Courts, of the extreme pretentions of a purely local interest; and in its general and unvarying abuse of the power entrusted to it by a confiding people. "6. That the people justly view with alarm the reckless extravagance which pervades every department of the Federal Government; that a return to rigid economy and accountability is indispensable to arrest the systematic plunder of the public Treasury by favored partisans, while the recent startling developments of frauds and corruptions at the Federal metropolis show that an entire change of Administration is imperatively demanded.

"7. That the new dogma, that the Constitution, of its own force, carries Slavery into any or all of the Territories of the United States, is a dangerous political heresy, at variance with the explicit provisions of that instrument itself, with contemporaneous exposition, and with legislative and judicial precedent; is revolutionary in its tendency, and subversive of the peace and harmony of the country.

"8. That the normal condition of all the territory of the United States, is that of freedom; that as our Republican fathers. when they had abolished Slavery in all our national territory, ordained that "no person should be deprived of life, liberty, and property, without due process of law," it becomes our duty, by legislation, whenever such legislation is necessary, to maintain this provision of the Constitution against all attempts to violate it; and we deny the authority of Congress, of a territorial legislature, or of any individuals, to give legal existence to Slavery in any Territory of the United States.

"9. That we brand the recent re-opening of the African slave-trade, under the cover of our national flag, aided by perversions of judicial power, as a crime against humanity, and a burning shame to our country and age; and we call upon Congress to take prompt and efficient measures for the total and final suppression of that execrable traffic.

10. That in the recent vetoes, by their Federal Governors. of the acts of the Legislatures of Kansas and Nebraska, prohibiting Slavery in those Territories, we find a practical illustration of the boasted Democratic principle of Non-Intervention and Popular Sovereignty, embodied in the KansasNebraska bill, and a demonstration of the deception and fraud involved therein.

A

"II. That Kansas should, of right, be immediately admitted as a State under the Constitution recently formed and adopted by her people, and accepted by the House of Representatives.

"12. That, while providing revenue for the support of the General Government by duties upon imports, sound policy requires such an adjustment of these imposts as to encourage the development of the industrial interest

of the whole country; and we commend that policy of national exchanges which secures to the working men liberal wages, to agriculture remunerative prices, to mechanics and manufactures an adequate reward for their skill, labor, and enterprise, and to the nation commercial prosperity and independence.

13. That we protest against any sale or alienation to others of the Public Lands held by actual settlers, and against any view of the Homestead policy that regards the settlers as paupers or suppliants for public bounty; and we demand the passage by Congress of the complete and satisfactory Homestead measure which has already passed the House.

"14. That the Republican party is opposed to any change in our Naturalization Laws or any State legislation by which the rights of citizenship, hitherto accorded to emigrants from foreign lands shall be abridged or impaired ; and in favor of giving a full and efficient protection to the rights of all classes of citizens, whether native or naturalized, both at home and abroad. “15. That appropriations by Congress for River and Harbor improvements of a national character, required for the accommodation and security of an existing commerce, are authorized by the Constitution, and justified by the obligations of Government to protect the lives and property of its citizens.

“16. That a railroad to the Pacific Ocean is imperatively demanded by the interest of the whole country; that the Federal Government ought to render immediate and efficient aid in its construction; and that, as preliminary thereto, a daily overland mail should be promptly established.

“17. Finally, having thus set forth our distinctive principles and views, we invite the co-operation of all citizens, however differing on other questions, who substantially agree with us in their affirmance and support."

THE CANVASS.

Mr. Lincoln accepted the nomination in the following letter:

Springfield, Ill., May 23d, 1860. HON. GEORGE ASHMUN, PRESIDENT OF THe Republican NATIONAL Con

VENTION:

SIR-I accept the nomination tendered me by the Convention over which you presided, and of which I am formally apprised in the letter of yourself and others acting as a Committee of the Convention for that purpose.

The declaration of principles and sentiments which accompanies your letter meets my approval; and it shall be my care not to violate or disregard it in any part.

Imploring the assistance of Divine Providence, and with due regard to