Not long after, a person of the name of Roseberry underwent the humiliating punishment of tarring and feathering, with some attendant aggravations, for having in conversation hazarded the very natural and just, but unpalatable remark, that the inhabitants of a county could not reasonably expect protection from a government whose laws they so strenuously opposed. So great, too, was the audacity of the perpetrators of these outrages, that an armed banditti of them ventured to seize and carry off two persons who were witnesses against the rioters in the case of Wilson, in order to prevent their giving testimony in a court then sitting, or about to sit.

On the part of the executive, such open defiance of the laws, and of the authority of the government, was believed to imperiously require that the strength and efficiency of those laws should be tried, by the governing power. Accordingly, Washington issued his proclamation, emphatically condemning the lawless acts and proceedings, warning all to return at once to their allegiance, and assuring them that the laws should be executed at any hazard. Against the leaders in some of the outrages which had been committed, bills of indictment were found in a court of the United States, upon which process was directed to issue, and, at the same time, process was also issued against a great number of non-complying distillers.

This proclamation not producing the desired effect, President Washington next endeavored to prevent the necessity of having recourse to active military measures, by making it the interest of the distillers to pay the duty. To this end, in addition to the 'prosecutions instituted against delinquents, the spirits distilled in the counties opposing the law were ordered to be seized on their way to market, by the officers of the revenue, and the contractors for the army were directed to purchase only the spirits on which the duties had been paid. But, whatever were the inclinations of the distillers-or some of them, the fear of an infuriated populace prevented a compliance with these

orders; and the factionists continued to take encouragement from the lenity of the executive, in the expectation of ultimate success. By violent threats they still kept the marshal from serving his precepts, committed numerous outrages upon the friends of government, and perfected their organization into military bands, to resist any force that might be sent to subject them to the laws. They styled their acts, "mending the still."

It is not to be doubted that this inflamed state of the public mind was greatly aggravated by the ambitious designs and intemperate speeches of a few leading men. Conspicuous among the friends of the malcontents were Bradford, Marshall, Smilie, Brackenridge, Husbands, Findley, and Gallatin. The first-named, David Bradford, was the chief agitator, and led in person the desperate bands, in their career of violence. He was an old settler in Washington county, had accumulated a large fortune, and, being bold and unscrupulous in his politics, wielded a powerful influence over a certain class. Those associated with him were men of decided ability, being of Scotch or Irish birth, and possessing their dominant characteristics of nationality.

In the early part of 1794, the hostility of the law-breakers seemed to become more implacable and demonstrative. William Richmond, who had given information against some of the rioters, in the affair of Wilson, had his barn burnt, with all its valuable contents; and the same thing happened to Robert Shawan, a distiller, who had been among the first to comply with the law, and who had always spoken favorably of it. These instances were multiplied. The law-abiding inhabitants were dogged and pursued by disorderly persons, their houses and distilleries broken into, property destroyed, conflagrations kindled, machinery disabled, life threatened.

June being the month for receiving annual entries for stills, endeavors were used to open offices in Westmoreland and Washington, where it had hitherto been

found impracticable. With much pains. and difficulty, places were at last procured for the purpose.

That in Westmoreland was repeatedly attacked by armed men, in the night, who frequently fired upon it; but it was defended with so much determination and perseverance, as to have been maintained during the remainder of the month. That in Washington, after repeated attempts, was suppressed.

Charging himself with the service of the processes officially intrusted to him, the marshal repaired in person to the country which was the scene of these disorders. He continued unmolested in the performance of this duty, until, being seen in company with General John Neville, inspector of the county and a zealous advocate of the tax, they were assaulted on the road by a body of armed men, who fired, but without doing any injury. Early the next morning, a party attacked the house of General Neville, the inspector, but he defended himself bravely and successfully.

Apprehending, however, that the business would not terminate here, Neville made application by letter to the judges, generals of militia, and sheriff of the county, for protection. A reply to his application, from John Wilkins, Jr., and John Gibson, magistrates and militia-officers, informed him that the laws could not be executed, so as to afford him the protection to which he was entitled, owing to the too general combination of the people in that part of Pennsylvania to oppose the revenue law; adding, that they would take every step in their power to bring the rioters to justice, and would be glad to receive information relative to the individuals concerned in the attack on his house, that prosecutions might be commenced against them at the same time expressing regret that, should the citizens of the county be ordered out, in support of the civil authority, very few could be gotten who were not of the party of the rioters.

The day following, the insurgents reassembled with a considerable augmentation of numbers, amounting to at least

five hundred, and, on the seventeenth of July, renewed their attack upon the house of the inspector, who, in the interval, had taken the precaution of calling to his aid a small detachment from the garrison of Fort Pitt, which, at the time of the attack, consisted of eleven men, who had been joined by Major Abraham Kirkpatrick, a friend and connection of the inspector. The leader of the insurgents was a desperado named John Holcroft, or "Tom the Tinker," as he was familiarly called.

There being scarcely a prospect of effectual defense against so large a number as then appeared, and as the inspector had everything to apprehend for his person, if taken, it was judged advisable that he should withdraw from the house to a place of concealment; Major Kirkpatrick generously agreeing to remain with the eleven, intending, if practicable, to make a capitulation in favor of the property, or, if unsuccessful, to defend it as long as possible.

A parley took place, under cover of a flag, which was sent by the insurgents to the house, with a demand that the inspector should come forth, renounce his office, and stipulate never again to accept an office under the same laws. To this it was replied, that the inspector had left the house upon their first approach, and that the place to which he had retired was unknown. They then declared that they must have whatever related to his office; to which, answer was made they might send persons, not exceeding six, to search the house, and take away whatever papers they could find, pertaining to the office. But, not satisfied with this, they insisted, unconditionally, that the armed men who were in the house for its defense, should march out and ground their arms. Major Kirkpatrick peremptorily refused, considering it and representing it to them as a proof of a design to destroy the property; and this refusal put an end to the parley.

Brisk firing now took place between the insurgents and the party in the house, lasting for about an hour, till the assailants, having set fire to the neighboring and adjacent buildings, eight in number,

of an immediate communication of fire to the house, obliged the brave Kirkpatrick and his small party to come out and surrender themselves.

Desirous of ascertaining their full strength, and also to discover any secret enemies that might remain unsuspected in the midst of these treasonable movements, Bradford and his comrades proceeded with a high and unsparing hand. Monster meetings of friends and sympathizers were

DAVID BRADFORD.

appointed, to determine the first question; and, to obtain satisfaction in regard to the second, the mail between Pittsburg and Philadelphia was stopped by armed men, who cut it open, and took out the letters which it contained. In some of these letters, a direct disapprobation of the violent measures which had been adopted was openly avowed. Upon acquiring thus the names of their opponents, messengers were sent to Pittsburg, where the writers of the offensive letters resided, demanding the banishment of the offenders. A prompt obedience to these demands was unavoidable. Another plan was, for seizing the United States military stores at Pittsburg, and using them in carrying on the revolt. In order to accomplish this, a mammoth gathering of the anarchists was appointed to be held on Braddock's field, August first. This call was made in the form usual for militia musters, and all were notified to come armed and equipped. Seven thousand men answered to this call, and Bradford, assuming the office of majorgeneral, reviewed the dense mass of troops. The main purpose, however, of this assemblage, namely, to march upon Pittsburg,

United States arsenal, and then form an independent state, or sovereignty, composed of the counties west of the Alleghany range, had been divulged to few, and, upon farther consultation, it was found that the desperation of some of the leaders failed them at this point, and the project was abandoned. But it was determined to march to Pittsburg at any rate,—a march that was attended by a wholesale intimidation of the disaffected, the robbing of houses, and the burning of buildings. But the greatest popular demonstration made of the law-breakers' strength, was the meeting at Parkinson's Ferry, where there assembled representatives of the whole vast region in insurrection, and, in the mad enthusiasm of the hour, pledged themselves to follow, sixteen thousand strong, under the banner of Bradford, in resisting and overturning the government. There were at this meeting many able men, but the attendant throng was of a far different class.

The president had now, for three years, patiently awaited the effect of conciliatory measures, but these had only continued to render the opposition more desperate. He therefore had only to choose between the alternative of permitting the prostration of the government, or to call out its force in support of the laws. It was not in the nature of Washington to allow the former.

The subject, in all its momentous consequences, was laid by President Washington before the cabinet, for final action, and General Mifflin, the governor of Pennsylvania, was on this occasion called into the council. Their unanimous desire was to avoid, if possible, a resort to arms and bloodshed, and they therefore advised that commissioners should be sent to the insurgents to warn them of their danger, and to offer a pardon of past offenses, on condition of future obedience to the laws. It was also advised that a proclamation should be issued, in conformity to the act of congress, commanding the insurgents. to disperse by a given day. All agreed that a crisis had arrived which was testing

the strength and practicability of republican institutions.

The president did not hesitate to do his duty. He could no longer see the laws prostrated, and the authority of the United States defied, without exerting the means of prevention. He resolved, therefore, to issue the proclamation, which, by law, was to precede the employment of force. This proclamation, issued August seventh, contained a brief but distinct recapitulation of the measures which had been adopted by the government, as well as the proceedings on the part of the insurgents, and the preparatory steps which had been taken to authorize the executive to employ coercion and which, though with the deepest regret, he had determined to do, in the interests of national preservation and social order; and commanding all persons being in the position of insurgents, and all others whom it might concern, on or before the first day of the ensuing month of September, to disperse and retire peaceably to their homes.

On the same day of this proclamation, a requisition was made on the governors of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, for their several quotas of militia to compose an army of twelve or fifteen thousand men, who were to be immediately organized and prepared to march at a minute's warning.

While the necessary steps were being taken to bring this force into the field, a last attempt was made to render its employment unnecessary. To this end, the attorney-general of the United States, who was also a citizen of Pennsylvania, together with Judge Yates, of the superior court, and Senator Ross of Pennsylvania, who was particularly popular in the western section, were deputed by the government to be the bearers of a general amnesty for past offenses, on the sole condition of future obedience to the laws.

It having been deemed advisable that the executive of the state in which the insurrection was rampant should act in concert with that of the United States, a proclamation, similar in tone and spirit to

that of the president, was now issued by Governor Mifflin, and commissioners were appointed by him to unite with those of the general government.

But Bradford, whose sway over his followers was well nigh despotic, inspiring them with slavish terror, laughed at the government proclamation and measures, claimed that he could marshal an army that would scatter the federal force to the four winds, and, under the banner of "Liberty and No Excise-No Asylum for Cowards and Traitors!" the insurgent spirit waxed fiercer and more bold. Attempts were made to embark the adjacent counties of Virginia in their cause, and their violence was extended to Morgantown, at which place an inspector resided, who only saved himself by flight, and protected his property by advertising, on his own door, that he had resigned his office. Similar excursions were made into the eastern counties of Pennsylvania.

The great convention of malcontents at Parkinson's Ferry had, under the advice of Brackenridge, Marshall, Gallatin, and some others, appointed a committee of safety, of sixty members, who chose fifteen of their body to confer with the commissioners of the United States, and of Pennsylvania. This committee was to receive proposals, but neither offer nor accept terms of settlement.

In their report of the conference thus held, the committee expressed themselves in favor of accepting the accommodation offered by the government. But, though many of the insurgents, trembling at the extent of the conflagration they had kindled, were now disposed to yield, a vast number still continued, under Bradford's fiery lead, to go on in their revolutionary violence, and so the last door to reconciliation was shut. Meanwhile, the president's call for troops was being responded to in overwhelming numbers, under the patriotic lead of Governor Mifflin.

The president issued a second proclamation, September 25, describing in terms of great energy the obstinate and perverse spirit with which the government's lenient

propositions had been received, and declaring his fixed determination, in virtue of the high and imperative duty imposed upon him by the constitution to "take care that the laws be faithfully executed," to reduce the refractory to obedience.

On every side, the signals of war were now displayed! The troops of New Jersey and Pennsylvania were directed to rendezvous at Bedford, and those of Maryland and Virginia at Cumberland, on the Potomac. The command of the expedition was given to General Henry Lee, of Virginia; and the governors of New Jersey and Pennsylvania commanded, under him, the militia of their respective states. The president, in person, pushed on for Philadelphia, through deep roads and a three days' drenching rain, visiting, as mander-in-chief, each of the two grand divisions into which he had divided the forces. He had intended to continue to lead the army solely himself; but, ascertaining that this would not be called for, and feeling confident that the force employed must break down all resistance, he left General Hamilton, as his deputy, giving directions to Lee to march each