OPPOSITION TO EXPANSION American 773 secure American annexation. For a time all went well in Hawaii. But annexation pleased only the Americans there. The other whites, and many natives, headed by the British contingent, began to prepare a counter-revolution. Dole knew Raising the their plans, and got Stevens, the American minister, to raise Flag. the American flag; and on February 1, 1893, marines from the Boston landed in Honolulu and patroled the streets. Stevens acted on his own responsibility. He thought the moment critical, and did not dream that his countrymen would hesitate to accept the fine group of islands which fortune offered them. A Treaty of President Harrison received the Hawaiian commissioners three weeks before the end of his administration, and a treaty was prepared and sent at once to the senate. It provided for annexation, with an annual pension of $20,000 for the queen and a gift of $150,000 for her daughter, the heir apparent to the throne, if they would accept the revolution. By this time public opinion was greatly aroused. Many people did not like the part the marines took in the revolution and many did not want distant territory at any price. To the latter the treaty was the beginning of a policy of expansion leading no one knew where, necessitating a great navy at an enormous expense, and elevating military ideals to the center of American policies. The opposition was strong enough to postpone ratification until the beginning of the new presidency. They were supported by the fact that President Cleveland was known to favor delay. One of his first steps after his inauguration was to withdraw the treaty from the senate and to send James H. Blount, special commissioner, to investigate the situation in Hawaii. In Honolulu, Blount began by ordering the American flag hauled down. Then he heard evidence from each side, and in July, 1893, reported that the revolution of the preceding January was accomplished chiefly through the connivance of the Ameri- Annexation Defeated, can minister and the overawing presence of the American 1893. marines. On this basis the president decided that it was our duty to abandon our pretension to supremacy and to express to the queen regret for the conduct of Minister Stevens. This he proceeded to carry out, inducing the queen, but with much difficulty, to promise amnesty to the revolutionists when she regained her power. Cleveland also wished to restore her to the throne by force, but congress would not go that far. May 31, 1894, it passed the Turpie resolution, refusing to interfere further in Hawaii. Liliuokalani was not able to effect her restoration in face of the revolutionists, and the Hawaiian republic continued to have authority in the islands until 1898. In 1895 there was a futile plot in her behalf, and she was arrested and forced to swear allegiance to the republic. The advent of the republicans to power with the election of McKin Annexation Accomplished, 1898. ley in 1896, brought up Hawaiian annexation again. A new treaty was prepared for the purpose and sent to the senate in 1897, but the opposition of the democrats prevented its acceptance by the necessary two-thirds majority. Its advocates then resorted to a joint resolution, as in the case of Texas. Before this measure came to a vote the Spanish war began, and Dewey's victory at Manila made Hawaii of vast importance. The resolution now passed the house by a vote of 209 to 91 and the senate by 42 to 21. It made Hawaii "a part of the territory of the United States," but forbade its Chinese inhabitants to come to continental United States, and left the islands outside of the customs limits. In 1900 another act created the territory of Hawaii, with the usual territorial government. The creation of a Hawaiian territory is justified on the ground that it is destined to become a white man's country. From its first exploitation by Europeans the natives proved themselves unsatisfactory laborers, and contact with civilization has involved a decrease in their numbers. They were 130,313 in 1832, 44,088 in 1878, only 34,436 in 1890, and 29,834, in 1900. It seems probable that they will finally disappear. Their places have been taken by Portuguese, Chinese, Japanese, Koreans, and Spaniards from Malaga. Annexation terminated the importation of Chinese laborers. Then began the immigration of Japanese, but in 1906 Japan, desiring to turn her emigrants to Korea, made such restrictions that her own people ceased to go to Hawaii. The Chinese there show a disposition to intermarry with the natives, and are generally considered a desirable addition to the population. In 1908 they were estimated at 10.6 per cent of the entire population, while the Japanese were 40.2 per cent. At the same time the Teutonic element, including the native whites, were 12,000, or 7 per cent. By this it is seen that the whites constitute a rich and relatively small ruling class over a large body of dependents. Arrival of CHINESE IMMIGRATION Chinese laborers began to come to California soon after 1849, and they were welcomed there at a time when laborers were exceedingly few. The Burlingame treaty, 1868, facilitated this by granting Chinese residents in America all the privileges of citizens of the most favored nation. White laborers, arriving in numbers after the completion of the transcontinental railroads, complained of the orientals, who worked long hours and at low wages. Many acts of violence ensued, and in 1871 San Francisco had a riot, in which 21 Chinamen were killed. The matter was brought into politics, and each party locally declared against unrestricted Chinese immigration. In 1877 a committee appointed by the United States senate investigated the situation and reported that EARLY SYMPATHY FOR JAPAN Accom 775 the Burlingame treaty should be modified. Nothing was done, however, and in the same year began a series of outrages incited by Dennis Kearney, an agitator, the burden of whose song was that the Chinese must go. He found support among the lower classes, and for many months was a source of annoyance to the city authorities. The state legislature passed several restrictions for the orientals, limiting their rights of labor and residence, but the federal courts declared most of them unconstitutional. The matter then went Exclusion to congress, which passed a bill restricting immigration, plished. but Hayes vetoed it because it infringed the treaty and exposed to retaliation Americans resident in China. At the same time negotiations were opened by which China agreed that the influx of laborers might be mutually forbidden, but not that of students, travelers, teachers, or merchants. This made possible the act of 1882, by which laborers were denied admission to the country for ten years. The execution of the law was difficult. Laborers were smuggled in under pretense that they were of the excepted classes, and other legislation was necessary to make the exclusion law effective. In 1892 a new act, the Geary law, extended all these restrictions for ten years more. In 1902 it was ordered that they should be extended indefinitely. The undeveloped condition of China has led that nation to accept discriminations which a more powerful state would probably find insupportable. AMERICA AND JAPAN Early Work of The feeling against Chinese labor did not extend to the Japanese, partly because immigration from that quarter was not numerous, and partly from the part Perry took (1853) in opening the island kingdom to the world. Japan was a strong power, Relations. and progressed so rapidly in new ideas that in 1872 it sent a commission to Europe and America to get the powers to relinquish rights of extra-territoriality in Japan. The powers would not consent, and the commissioners went home to urge further progress in occidentalism. In the United States they encountered Joseph Hardy Neesima, who as a boy escaped out of Japan on a Boston ship and had been educated in Amherst College. He was a man of great capacity, and the commissioners called him back to his country to supervise the system of education. Many Japanese students now came to America for instruction, and American missionaries went in large numbers to Japan. In 1894-1895, Japan fought a successful war with China, demonstrating her predominance among the orientals. It was not possible to deny her all the rights of a first-class state. The concession she was denied in 1872 was granted in 1899, when extra-territorial courts were abolished within her borders, and her alliance was sought by the nations having strongest interests in the East. Neesima. Japan's rapid rise in fortune brought some embarrassment to the other nations concerned in the orient. The partition of China had Feeling against Japan. long been a fixed idea in the world of diplomacy, but who could now believe this great new state would passively allow such a thing under her very nose? Developing Eastern trade had also been a favored hope of America and Europe, but Japan's industrial energy was as great as her military energy, and her geographical position as well as her cheap labor gave her an immense advantage in a competition in that field. Decidedly, the arrival of the nation at the state of a great power seriously disarranged the plans of other great states, and it created a feeling of fear and uncertainty among them. The United States felt the same apprehension, not because they cared about the division of China, but because they thought of the exposed position of the Philippines and feared to lose their expanding oriental trade. It must be confessed that Japan aided the growth of distrust partly by a natural but rather offensive national self-confidence, and partly because she had shown a willingness to use expedients not ordinarily considered fair dealing in international relations. Through these means disappeared the early American enthusiasm for Japan. A counterfeeling of mild distrust was created, also, in Japanese minds by Roosevelt's alleged favor to Russia in the treaty of Portsmouth. The anti-Japanese feeling has been strongest on the Pacific coast, where the question, going beyond the general feeling just described, is part of the local opposition to orientals. In 1900 there were in this region 18,269 Japanese, which was only .007 per cent of the entire population, while there were three times as many Chinamen. But after that year immigration increased. In 1903 the arrivals were 6000, and the coast became alarmed. It thought that the "yellow peril" had appeared in a new form. Much was said to excite popular feeling, and in 1906 the San Francisco school board ordered that Japanese be taught in an "oriental school," and not, as before, in the regular schools. It was alleged in support of the order that the Japanese "school children were really adults and should not be in schools with young white children. The incident excited the people of Japan, who resented the discrimination. The opposition there denounced the Japanese govern California restricts Japanese. ment of 1907. ment for tolerating what it pronounced an insult to the The Adjust national honor, and there was danger that popular feeling would make war inevitable. The government at Tokio wished to avoid war, and urged President Roosevelt to execute the treaty by which Japanese citizens in the United States were guaranteed the rights of the most favored nation. The president wished to comply, but the dual nature of political authority in our system of government made it difficult to do so. He sent the VENEZUELA AND BRITISH GUIANA 777 secretary of the interior to investigate the California situation, who reported that there were only 93 Japanese in the San Francisco schools, very few of whom were over twenty years old. Suits were now ordered to enforce the rights of the Japanese pupils under the treaty, and the president's annual message announced a firm purpose to carry the affair through. In California opinion was defiant. A mob even insulted a group of Japanese scientists observing the effects of the San Francisco earthquake, although Japan's contribution of $246,000 to relieve the suffering from that calamity was $33,000 more than the amount received from all other foreign nations. The California state authorities were less rash, and an adjustment was made in 1907. Japan agreed to execute more strictly a law already enacted forbidding the emigration of laborers, and San Francisco agreed to admit to the schools Japanese children not over sixteen years of age. Since then an excitable press has found several occasions to raise a Japanese war scare, but calmer minds have been at the seats of authority in Tokio and Washington. THE VENEZUELA BOUNDARY DISPUTE Origin of Venezuela revolted from Spain in 1810 and established jurisdiction over the valley of the Orinoco. In 1814 England acquired British Guiana from Holland by a treaty which left the western limits undefined. Venezuela asked several times for joint the Dispute. action to settle the boundary, but the requests were not granted. In 1841, however, England sent Schomburgk, a surveyor, to run the line with such data as she had from Holland. He carried it far westward, and included 50,000 square miles that Venezuela claimed, practically extending British Guiana to the Orinoco. To Venezuela's protest Britain replied with an offer to leave the former a narrow strip on the east bank of the Orinoco, so that the mouth of that river should be entirely Venezuelan. The offer was not accepted, and for thirty-two years the controversy slept. Meanwhile many British subjects settled in the disputed area, some of them coming to prospect for gold which was discovered there. Venezuela, therefore, in 1876, again asked England to take steps to settle the boundary. No reply was vouchsafed until 1880, when England announced that she claimed through some Dutch treaties with the aborigines a large area west of the Schomburgk line. In this stage the controversy could not be compromised by the parties, and Venezuela asked England to submit to arbitration. The response was a negative, and though the request was several times repeated in the next six years no other reply was given. Finally, in 1886, England announced once for all that she would not recognize Venezuelan pretensions east of the Schomburgk line. Rupture of intercourse followed, and war might have begun had the parties been equally strong. In 1890 and |