NULLIFICATION FORESHADOWED

287

thought the attention of the voters would be called in the most striking way to an evil they believed to exist with good effect on succeeding elections. Madison asserted in his old age that the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions were planned for political effect. When the republicans came into control of the government two years later, they made no effort to amend the constitution in accordance with the compact theory.

Other

States.

All the states north of the Potomac, through their legislatures, made replies unfavorable to the resolutions, some of them expressed in terms hardly polite. None of the legislatures of states south of Virginia voted on them, probably because Attitude of the republicans thought it wise to let well enough alone. When the Northern replies were received, Kentucky and Virginia passed resolutions reasserting the views in the first sets. In those now announced by Kentucky occurred the sentence: "A nullification, by those sovereignties, of all unauthorized acts done under color of that instrument, is the rightful remedy." This is the only appearance of the word "nullification," in any of the resolutions, but the essential idea is in the first set passed by Kentucky. Relation to Thirty years later it came up again in the Nullification Nullification. movement in South Carolina, whose promoters thought

that stressing the similarity of their doctrines with those of 1798 would draw Virginia to their side.

OVERTHROW OF THE FEDERALISTS

Federalists

The congressional elections of 1798 came while the country still looked for war with France, and the results favored the federalists. But that party was still divided into radicals and moderates, the former led by Pickering with the support of Hamilton, Divided. the latter led by Adams with the strong support of Marshall and a group of Southern federalists in the house. When the president threw over the war policy of his party in the spring of 1799 he had the support of the moderates, and the extremists lost a valuable political issue. They expressed their contempt for Adams openly, which only divided his party more than ever. The split became more evident when Adams, in 1800, dismissed Pickering and forced McHenry to withdraw from the cabinet because they refused to carry out his policy with regard to making a treaty with France. He retained Wolcott, equally guilty with the men dismissed, because he did not know the extent of Wolcott's treachery. In Pickering's post he placed Marshall, who was not popular in the North, and the dispossessed faction began. to plot to defeat the reëlection of a president who showed them so much hostility. As it was evident that the federalists would take Adams for their candidate in 1800, this dissention augured little for party

success.

United.

Meanwhile, the republicans were united for Jefferson. The Virginia and Kentucky resolutions gave them a strong principle on which to appeal to the voters, and they strengthened their position Republicans by criticizing the administration at every possible point. Preparations for war had involved heavy expenses, the national debt had grown during the eleven years of federalist control, and this gave ground for charging the party with extravagance. The evident desire of Hamilton to make the new army permanent induced the charge that he leaned toward militarism. In March, 1800, congress ordered the dismissal of the new army, and this was a blow at the extreme federalists. The assertion of the right to impress American sailors aroused great feeling against England, which reacted against the party which had usually stood

Their

Principles. by that country. Beneath all the arguments drawn from

these and other sources was the continual assertion that the federalists stood for the rule of a selfish upper class, dominated by the capitalists, while the republicans represented the mass of the people. The assertion was generally true. The federalists had ignored the popular nature of American government, and Jefferson at last had organized the great mass of farmers and working people in a party which would correct recent tendencies toward class domination. It was the first of several great periodic popular upheavals by which the people have shown that they mean the government to rest on the will of all the people.

The Caucus.

In this campaign the nominating caucus was fully developed. In 1796 republican and federalist senators and representatives, acting for their respective parties, held conferences and recommended presidential candidates to the people. But their action was not accepted as binding the party leaders; for although the electors generally favored the caucus candidate for president there was much scattering in the vote for vice-president. Early in 1800 caucuses were again held. Adams was recommended by the federalists, and his friends insisted that the entire party was bound to support him. When Hamilton and his faction showed a contrary purpose they were pronounced party traitors. The republicans had their own internal jealousies. Virginia expected to carry most of the South for Jefferson, but she needed the support of a strong Northern state, for which purpose New York seemed best suited. Clinton, of that state, did not like the Virginia leadership, as was shown in the convention of 1787; but at this time he was held in check in New York by Aaron Burr, able, but distrusted by many men. Burr was willing to make alliance with Virginia, and in 1796 he was supported as the regular candidate for vice-president. But in that year he received only 30 votes to Jefferson's 68, and only one of the thirty was from Virginia. He felt he was badly dealt with, and in 1800 demanded assurances that he would be supported equally with Jefferson. His terms were

THE ELECTION OF 1800

289

accepted by the caucus and by the party; and for many years thereafter the decision of the caucus was considered binding on the party.

In the autumn of 1800 the differences between Adams and Hamilton precipitated a disastrous factional fight. Adams, frank by nature, expressed himself freely about the opposition of the ad

verse faction. As several members of the group lived Hamilton's in Essex county, Massachusetts, he dubbed them the Intrigue "Essex Junto.' Hamilton was stung to the quick. He Adams.

against

thought his own position in the party threatened, and wrote a pamphlet for secret circulation among the federalists, in which he declared that his friends did not constitute a British faction, as charged by Adams. Had he stopped there the result would not have been bad; but he went on to attack Adams, recognized party leader, and the gleeful approbation of his friends shows that they thought the best part of the affair would be the destruction of the president. The pamphlet fell into the hands of the republicans, who republished it with exaggerations, and thus forced the author to issue an authentic copy. Then the world believed that Hamilton had violated his party allegiance. There followed a reaction more damaging to Hamilton personally than to his opponent. Each man had his followers, and they became so embittered toward one another that party success was impossible.

While the country was still talking about this incident, the election was held. Adams got all the votes from New England, 39 in number, 10 from New Jersey and Delaware, 7 of Pennsylvania's

for Presi

15, as well as 5 of Maryland's 10, and 4 of North Carolina's The Vote 12-in all, 65. One elector in Rhode Island, fearing dent, 1800. treachery on the part of the extremists, voted for Adams and Jay, so that Pinckney, running with Adams, had only 64 votes. Jefferson had all the other votes, a total of 73. Burr, who ran with him, had the same number, and as neither had the highest number of votes cast, there was no election, and the house of representatives must select a president, the delegation of each state having one vote. The republicans had a majority of the electoral college, and the people had voted with the intention of making Jefferson president and Burr vice-president. Would the house execute the popular will, or would it act on its own judgment? The federalists were of the latter opinion, and made a plan to carry their own states for Burr with a hope of bringing him into the presidency while Jefferson got the second place. caucus of their party they carried through their plan. Burr protested against it, but in such weak tones that it was thought that he was privy to the scheme. It is hardly probable that the federalists would have supported him without some kind of promise in their behalf, though this does not mean that Burr meant to keep such a promise once he was president. When the house came to act, Jefferson

U

Decided in

the House, 1801.

In a

had eight of the sixteen states and Burr had six, two being divided. Then Hamilton showed that moral quality which raised him in great crises above party. He disliked Jefferson, but believed him better than Burr, whom he well knew to be faithless to promises. Through his efforts the federalist representatives from Vermont, Delaware, and Maryland were induced to refrain from voting, and on the thirty-sixth ballot, February 17, 1801, Jefferson received the votes of ten states and was declared president-elect. Burr never forgave Hamilton his part in the election and, although vice-president, was thenceforth an ill-disposed partner in the republican administration. This situation, which caused so much anxiety at the time, was responsible for the adoption of the twelfth amendment, 1804, by which electors voted specifically for president and vice-president.

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE

General secondary works for Adams's administration are the same as those for the preceding chapter. The same is true for the original sources and for the writings and biographies of leading men. On special phases of the administration the following works are valuable:

The Kentucky and Virginia resolutions: texts are in American History Leaflets, No. 15, and in MacDonald, Select Documents (1897); also in Elliot, Journal and Debates of the Federal Convention (1830), IV, App., pp. 357-388, which contains also the second resolutions with the replies of some of the states; Anderson, Contemporary Opinion of the Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions (Am. Hist. Review, V, 45, 225), contains a full discussion; Warfield, The Kentucky Resolutions of 1798 (1887), a narrative history with brief mention of the Virginia resolutions; Powell, Nullification and Secession in the United States (1897), has a chapter on the resolutions of 1798; Loring, Nullification, Secession, etc. in the United States (1893), combats the theory that the constitution is a growth; and Bassett, Federalist System (1906), chap. XVIII.

On the alien and sedition acts, see accounts in the Histories by MacMaster, Avery, Hildreth, and Schouler; Bassett, Federalist System (1906); Rives, Madison (1859-1868); Hunt, Madison (1902); Randall, Jefferson (1858), partisan; Tucker, Jefferson (1837), defends Jefferson; Adams, C. F., John Adams, 2 vols. (1871), the federalist side.

On party politics: Gordy, History of Political Parties, 2 vols. (ed. 1904), deals with French situation at length; Stanwood, History of the Presidency (1898), chap. V, a good summary of the elections of 1800 and 1801; Morse, A. D., Party Revolution of 1800 (Am. Hist. Assoc. Report, 1894); Ibid., The Politics of John Adams (Am. Hist. Review, IV); Farrand, The Judiciary Act of 1801 (Ibid., V); South Carolina in the Presidential Election of 1800 (Ibid., IV), contains letters from C. C. Pinckney; also lives and writings of Adams, Jefferson, Hamilton, and Madison.

On the naval operations of the time: Maclay, History of the United States Navy, 3 vols. (rev. ed., 1898-1901); Maclay, History of American Privateers (1899); Spears, History of Our Navy, 5 vols. (1897-1898), a popular narrative.

For Independent Reading

Morse, J. T., Life of John Adams (1885); Maclay, History of American Privateers (1899); Weld, Travels through the States of North America and Canada, 2 vols. (1799), very popular when published; and Dwight, Travels in New England and New York, 4 vols. (1821-1822), an excellent book.

CHAPTER XIV

INTERNAL HISTORY AND FOREIGN AFFAIRS UNDER JEFFERSON

AND MADISON

REPUBLICAN REFORMS

Democratic

FROM the beginning of his administration Jefferson rejected the ceremonials which his party had denounced, and which the federalists defended on the ground that they created respect for the government. The carriage of state with six horses was Simplicity. discarded, and he rode horseback and unattended through the streets of the capital, like any other well-mounted citizen. The formal weekly receptions became levees to which any citizens who chose might come unannounced. The annual speeches to congress, which reminded the republicans too pointedly of the king's speech to parliament, became written annual messages, reports of the executive on the state of the nation. Federalists ridiculed these changes, but the people were pleased.

The Inauguration.

The inauguration was equally simple. Jefferson came to Washington as a private citizen, lodged at a tavern, and just before noon on March 4 walked up Capitol Hill, accompanied by a group of friends, to take the oath of office administered by John Marshall, a strong and determined federalist, whom Adams a few weeks earlier had appointed chief justice. His inaugural address has long been considered a great state paper. Good citizens, he said in effect, must recognize the right of the majority to rule, but the majority must not oppress the minority. It was time to lay aside the bitterness of controversy and to remember that political intolerance was as bad as religious intolerance. Differences of opinion are natural, but federalists and republicans are alike Americans and should unite to preserve the union and representative government. He pleaded in noble language for peace, coöperation in developing the resources of a great country, and patriotism and good will in realizing the blessings of liberty. These words were calculated to pacify the fears that the republicans would overthrew the foundations of society, so sedulously aroused by the federalists in the late campaign. It was Jefferson's dearest wish_to conciliate his enemies, especially those in the North, who had been led to believe him an atheist and something of an anarchist.

Conciliation.