rule and a more definite system of government, and these could not be obtained except by imparting permanence and independence to the central authority. It was felt that the prolonged exercise of power could alone avail to effect the requisite reforms and superintend their development. The ministers of Augustus had to continue the policy of Julius. The Roman mind, constantly displaying its constructive attribute, was never satisfied with the contemplation of confusion: it sought to bring this to order." Mæcenas, one of the ministers of Augustus, transformed the ancient system of co-ordinate municipalities into a government whose authority emanated from the centre and passed to the extremities. It was a maxim often repeated by Agrippa, the personal friend of that emperor, "By union small things become great; by division the greatest be come dust."

At the time of this transition to Imperialism the true Roman people had become passive. They found themselves overwhelmed by a countless multitude of Spaniards and Gauls, Greeks and Asiatics, and helpless under the sway of factions and political intriguers.

The Empire was de

Republic.

The ability with which the transmutation was accomplished merits our attention. The Roman veloped out of the imperial system was developed from the republican, not forcibly fastened upon it. All the early emperors feigned to be guided by the traditions and precedents of the Republic. They recognized, in their most solemn formulas, the popular will, delivering their mandates in the name of the Senate and the Roman people. Their uniform practice was not to fasten on the old system things that were strange and new, but to unfold the new from parts already existing. They did not add to their political structure as men add new apartments to a house, by bringing materials and fashioning them for the purpose, but they developed things as the oak grows-its leaf coming from the bud, its bud from the branch, its branch from the trunk.

In America the

same problem of

cordant popula

tions occurs.

In the particulars now under consideration, the state of affairs in Rome offers a striking parallel to dealing with dis- the state of affairs in America. As in Rome, so here, there is an irresistible progress of geographical expansion, a necessary absorption of many different people. We see how the Romans solved this political problem by a resort to Imperialism; and, perhaps, considering the great ability of the statesmen of those times, we may concede that such was the only proper solution in their case.

The concession of

people inevitable.

Treatment by the Turkish government of its foreign populations.

It has been stated that the principles which have been in operation during the war will continue civil rights to all their action, and that the absorption of discordant populations will inevitably occur. If we have not been able to avoid the concession of civil rights to the negro in the Atlantic region-a more extreme case than Rome ever had to deal with-we may be certain that we shall have to concede them to the Asiatics and Mexicans in the Pacific region. While we are thus demanding from history examples. for our guidance, and find one so significant offered to us by Rome, not without interest may we recall the progress and consider the present position of Turkey. The Turks have rejected the policy of absorption; they present a pure instance of the policy of exclusion; their political decline and present weakness illustrate the political wisdom of the founders of Roman dominion, who took the opposite course. Their history is a monition to us. They had the same contempt. for the European that the white American has for the Mongol or the African. Let us, however, not fall into the arrogance of these Mohammedans, or into the superciliousness of the Chinese, who look upon other people with dis dain. Let us frankly recognize the fact that among Asiatics there are men experienced in the management of great affairs, and in intellectual power equal to any of us. Let

us remember that to the people of that continent the world owes all its religious ideas, and modern society much of its physical well-being.

We have adopted the principle that in political systems it is the same as in mechanics-the broader the base and the lower the centre of gravity, the greater the stability.

The policy of absorbing diverse peoples, whether their di versities originate in other lands, or are engendered by cli mate-influences on this continent-still more, the policy of giving to all a voice in the government, brings us face to face with the same problem that the Romans encountered in the days when it was feared that the true Roman would be obliterated by the alien--the same problem that the Turks encountered in dealing with the victims of their conquests. Twice did Rome solve the problem-on both occasions with consummate ability. First, as we have of the problem by just seen, she solved it by resorting to Imperialism; and when, after a time, that failed, by Ecclesiasticism. Twice has she ruled Europe-once by her emperors, and once by her

A second solution

Rome.

popes.

The study of the pontifical government-I speak of it not in its religious, but in its political aspect-is full of interest to the American statesman, rich in examples for his guidance.

Incompatibility of

the American sys

The two solutions of this problem offered to us in the history of Rome-Imperialism and Ecclesiasthose solutions with ticism—are inadmissible here, the American system rejecting both. Another solution, in accordance with its fundamental principles, will have to be found.

tem.

Even to one who considers superficially the habits and tendencies of society in the Republic, it may

In America the so

lution will be by

and a free career to

talent.

universal education, be plain that preparation has long been in progress for a third solution of the problem in accordance with American principles. This consists in the enforcement of universal education, and the opening

of an unfettered career to talent. We may safely admit unlimited territorial extension, and the unrestricted absorption of populations, no matter of what origin or type they may be, if we shape our institutions so as to make it sure that political influence and the guidance of affairs shall be in the hands of established ability.

No one who has devoted attention to the relative capacity of races of men would ever hesitate to commit the pure American to such a competition.

The education of every child, irrespective of nationality or color, by a general public school system-a career fairly open to each, that he may attain a position according to the talent that God has given him, neither possible in Rome, are both possible in America.

It will be understood that, in the remarks I am now making, I am not considering what ought to be, but endeavoring to ascertain, from the course of past events, what the future is about to be, taking for granted that the principles which have regulated American life thus far will not suddenly lose their efficacy, but will continue in operation.

Necessity of an or

National Intellect.

To open the career for capacity or talent, irrespective of the condition of life, implies, in reality, the ganization of the organization of the intelligence of the nation. Already we see that, perhaps without a very far-reaching conception either of the plan or of its consequences, preparatory measures of the kind have been contemplated in Congress. Schemes of competitive examination for the civil service have been proposed, partly to put an end to the disgraceful place-hunting that marks the accession of every new president, and fills the public offices with discreditable incompetence and ignorance, and partly to gain for that service the skill arising from experience in the special pursuit, whatever it may be. Not only in America, but in Europe, do we perceive a tendency to the adop tion of this course. In England the system of competitive

examination has made a much more marked advance than in the United States.

Example offered by China,

But it is to China that we must look if we desire to see, on the grand political scale, the organization of National Intellect carried into practical ef fect in the public administration of a vast empire. Four hundred millions of people-one third of the human race -have there, through many centuries, been carrying these ideas into effect. In a remote antiquity they based their system on the two principles we are here considering—— universal education, and a free career for ascertained abil ity. The special mode by which they gave to these principles a practical working has been by competitive examination, which seems to have answered their purposes singularly well. Whether it would prove as suitable in America, or whether some other mode might be more advantageously resorted to, I will not here inquire. Many methods of reaching the effect might be suggested. With and of papal extraordinary ability, ecclesiastical Rome solved Rome. the problem by her monastic institutions. It was often remarked that the way to preferment and to offices of the highest state influence-nay, even that the high road to the papacy itself lay through the monastery porch.

of the Republic.

From these considerations of the modes by which the The physical energy guidance of the policy of the Republic may be delivered over to its intelligence, we may pass to reflections on the modes by which it may carry out its resolves.

Conditions on

The energy with which the force of a nation may be brought into play, and therefore the manifestwhich its exertion ation of its physical power, turns altogether depends. on the rapidity with which information can be conveyed, resolves transmitted, and material transported. The greater the speed with which this can be done,