and protect the remains of 249,397 patriotic soldiers, whose lives were sacrificed in defense of our national existence. It is proposed, instead of the wooden head-boards heretofore used, to erect on the graves small monuments of cast iron, suitably protected by zinc coating against rust."

Scale on which mu

been furnished.

In this report Stanton states that, from January 1, 1861, to June 30, 1866, the Ordnance Department nitions of war had provided 7892 cannon, 11,787 artillery carriages, more than four millions of small-arms, more than two and a quarter millions of complete sets of accoutrements for infantry and cavalry, more than half a million complete sets of cavalry horse equipments, more than twenty-eight thousand sets of horse artillery harness, more than one thousand millions cartridges for small-arms, more than twelve hundred millions of percussion caps, nearly three millions rounds of fixed artillery ammunition, more than fourteen millions of cannon primers and fuses, nearly thirteen millions of pounds of artillery projectiles, more than twenty-six millions of pounds of gunpowder, and ninety millions of pounds of lead. He gives the particular numbers in each case, and remarks that, in addition to these, there were immense quantities of parts provided for repairing and making good articles damaged, lost, or destroyed in the service.

Such was the scale on which the American Civil War was carried on. What can more strikingly evince the responsibilities of the War Department, and the extraordi nary ability with which Stanton discharged his duty?

Return of the soldiers to their homes.

I may close this interesting topic with an extract from the report of General Meigs, the quartermaster general: "During the forty days between the 27th of May and 6th of July, 233,200 men, 12,823 horses, and 4,300,850 pounds of baggage were moved from Washington by the Washington Branch Railroad to the Relay House, where a large portion of them turned westward. The remainder passed through Baltimore, dividing at that city into two streams, one of which moved north through Harrisburg, the other northeast through Philadelphia.

"Of the above number, 96,000 men and 10,000 horses were, in the short space of forty days, between May 27 and July 6, moved from Washington on the Potomac, across the Alleghanies, and, descending the Ohio and ascending the Mississippi, were placed in the several positions to which they had been ordered.

"Thus nearly a quarter of a million of men, and more than twelve thousand horses, with more than four millions of pounds of baggage, were moved from Washington to the posts ordered, or distributed to every hamlet and village of the states north of the Potomac and the Ohio Rivers, and restored to their homes, the labor of war over, to return to the pursuits of peaceful industry, which they had left at the call of their country in her hour of need.

"Such movements are unexampled. They illustrate the resources of the country for the operations of war, and the great advantages it possesses in its system of navigable rivers, and its forty thousand miles of railroads."

In the same rapid and satisfactory manner were carried to their homes all the soldiers of the national army-more than a million of men.

SECTION XXII.

THE CONCLUSION.

CHAPTER XCV.

RETROSPECT OF THE WAR.

The primary object of the Southern politicians who originated the Civil War was the retention of political influence.

Finding that they could no longer secure their purposes in the Union, they resolved on seceding from it, making use of the Slave question to unite their people, and the doctrine of State Rights to vindicate their course.

The object of the supporters of the Union was at first simply to maintain things as they were.

The intentions of neither party were realized. The use of the Slave question by the South provoked Emancipation; the use of the doctrine of State Rights gave strength to the principle of Nationality.

Emancipation and Nationality were the great and abiding results of the war.

A brief survey is taken of the details of the military operations, coast movements, the blockade, the strength, the losses, the acts of the armies, and of the political incompetency of the administration to which the Southern people had intrusted their

cause.

The American Civil War shows how insignificant are the intentions of men in controlling the destiny of nations, and that the progress of humanity is not the result of political devices, but is determined by immutable law.

Retrospect of the
Civil War.

In the narrative I have now completed of the American Civil War, I have endeavored to convert its annals into a history; to bring into prominence facts which ought to be conspicuous from their importance, and to place in the background such as had but little influence on the result; to connect together isolated incidents by furnishing the reason or cause of their occur

rence.

But the duty of the historian does not end with a mere grouping of events, a merely perspicuous statement of the facts he has had to narrate. It is for him to mark the influences that have originated the drama he has presented, that have placed before its scenery the actors and their acts. In a great social movement, such as the American

Civil War, the objects of the instigators are soon altogether lost sight of in the stirring events and unexpected results that ensue. It is proper, therefore, to bring those objects once more into view, and examine how far they have been attained-to discover whether the expectations of those who provoked a dismal tragedy have been fulfilled, whether the purposes of those who resisted them have been accomplished.

The interests of Humanity are thus subserved. They who seek to trouble society may learn from the lessons of the past to what degree they may expect a gratification of their hopes.

inators of the war

What was it that they who provoked this Civil War proObject of the orig- posed? What have been its actual results? Almost from the foundation of the Republic its places of profit and power had been chiefly in the possession of Southern politicians; but when it became clear that the rapid development of the North and West the retention of po- Would end this state of things, such persons litical influence. resolved on attempting a partition of the Union, expecting that in a new government their influence and emoluments would be perpetuated.

Use of the Slave

purpose.

It was not to be supposed that their constituents would wantonly encounter the perils of secession to question for that secure such an object; but by working on their apprehensions for the safety of the slave system, and exciting their imagination with dreams of a great and prosperous slave empire, their leaders at length drew them into the movement. The real intention of the conspiracy-the preservation of political influencethus passed aside, and what was at the time a fictitious issue, but destined soon to be a real one--the Slave question-stood in its place.

As to other points in dispute, they were merely insincerities. With what countenance could the South complain of the protective policy enjoyed by the North? If

discriminations were made in behalf of Northern iron, coal, manufactures, how was it with the grand industrial interest of the South-the production and employment of slaves? Not only was the slave system protected in every conceivable way, but the influence of the nation was too often prostituted in its support.

Pro-slavery was thus introduced by the South as her war-weapon. By a logical consequence, anti-slavery, and abolition, which is its highest expression, came to be the war-weapon of the North. This was not resorted to without the utmost reluctance. Again and again Lincoln himself put it away from him. But an unseen Necessity forced it back into his hand, and clasped his fingers upon it. The Slave at last became what neither party had ever really intended, the stake to be won or lost in this war.

Continuance of power and profit was thus the primary object of those who ventured on the war. It was politically impossible that they should have it in the Union, and hence they resolved on secession.

Vindication of secession by State rights.

Their vindication of the movement was based on the doctrine of State rights. The inevitable conse quence of this was, that the idea of nationality rapidly gained strength among their antag onists. Emancipation thus became the necessary issue of Pro-slavery, Nationality the necessary issue of State rights.

That an oligarchy should rule the republic, or found a government of its own; that a caste of politicians should still hold places of profit and power; that slavery should not only be protected, but extended; that each state should work its own will, uncontrolled by any higher power; that South Carolina, with her 200,000 people, but with a paraphernalia of governors, cabinet ministers, embassadors, and grand military officers, should stand on a footing of equali ty in the congregation of nations with the military monarchies of the world-these were the dreams of those who projected and provoked the war.