Second inauguration of Lincoln.

of the United States on the 4th of March, 1865. The address which he then delivered will be read with the deepest interest. In spirit it contrasts very strikingly with Mr. Davis's speeches. Had he known of his approaching end, then, alas! close at hand, he could not have expressed himself in sentiments more appropriate, more true, more noble; in words better calculated to elicit the cordial approval of just men all over the world.

His inaugural address.

"FELLOW-COUNTRYMEN,--At this, my second appearing to take the oath of the Presidential office, there is less occasion that I should give an extended address than there was at the first. Then a statement, somewhat in detail, of the course I proposed to pursue seemed proper; now, at the expiration of four years, during which public declarations have been repeatedly called forth on every point and phase of the great contest which still absorbs the attention and engrosses the energies of the nation, little that is new could be presented.

"The progress of our arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is as well known to you as to myself, and it is, I trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to us all. While I have the highest hopes for the future, I shall here venture on no predictions.

"On the occasion corresponding to this four years ago the thoughts of all of us were anxiously directed to the impending civil war. All dreaded it; all sought to avoid it. While the inaugural address, devoted altogether to the saving of the Union without war, was being delivered from this place, insurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy the Union without war, seeking to dissolve it and divide its effects by negotiations. Both parties deprecated war, but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive; the other would accept war rather than let it perish-and war came. One eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not distributed generally over the Union, but localized in the Southern part of it. These slaves constituted a peculiar and lucrative interest. All knew that this interest was somehow the cause of the war. To strengthen, perpetuate, and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend the Union, even by war; the government claimed no right to do more than restrict the enlargement of it. Neither party expected for the war the magnitude or the duration which it has already attained. Neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with,. or even before the conflict itself should end. Each looked for an easier triumph-a result less fundamental and astounding. Both

read the same Bible, and prayed to the same God; each invoked his aid against the other. To us it may seem strange that any man should dare to ask the assistance of a just God to help him to gain his bread by the sweat of another man's brow-but let us judge not, that we be not judged. The prayer of both could not be answered; that of neither has been answered fully. The Almighty has his own purposes. 'Woe unto the world because of offenses, for it must needs be that offenses come; but woe unto that man by whom the offense cometh.' If we suppose that American slavery is one of those offenses which in the providence of God must needs come, but which, having continued through his appointed time, he now wills to remove, and that he gives to both North and South this terrible war as the woe due to those by whom the offense came, shall we discern therein any departure from those divine attributes which the believers in a loving God always ascribe to him? Fervently do we hope, fervently do we pray that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass from us; yet, if it be his will that it shall continue until all the wealth piled by the bondsmen's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk--until every drop of blood drawn by the lash shall be paid for by another drawn by the sword-as it was said three thousand years ago, so still it must be said, 'The judgments of the Lord are true, and righteous altogether.'

"With malice toward none, with charity for all-with firmness in the right, as God gives us to see the right, let us strive to finish the work we are engaged in; to bind up the wounds of our nation; to care for him who has borne the battle, and for his widow and orphan; and to do all which may achieve a just and a lasting peace among ourselves, and between us and all other nations."

From the National civil affairs we may now turn to the civil affairs of the Confederacy.

Confederacy.

Address of the cler

The imperfect conception of the sentiments of modern Civil affairs of the civilization which prevailed in the Confeder acy is strikingly indicated by "an address to the Christians throughout the world," which was issued at Richmond on the 23d of April, 1863, signed gy at Richmond. by ninety-six clergymen of all denominations. Among other things, they say that "the recent proclamation of the President of the United States seeking the emancipation of the slaves of the South is, in our judg ment, a suitable occasion for solemn protest on the part

of the people of God throughout the world." They charge President Lincoln with intending to produce a general insurrection of the slaves, which "would make it absolutely necessary for the public safety that the slaves be slaugh tered, and he who should write the history of that event would record the darkest chapter of human woe yet writ ten." It is of the massacre of four millions of human beings that the clergy are here speaking. Modern history does not furnish a more impressive fact than this in support of the views of those statesmen and philosophers who are averse to the secularization of the Church, and regard "the voluntary system" with misgivings, as tending to give to the people the guidance of the clergy, and to take from the clergy the guidance of the people.

Declining condition of Confederate affairs.

The capital of the South consisted not of money, but of land and slaves-both, owing to the circumstances of the times, inconvertible into money. Articles of food and clothing had, in 1863, risen from five to one hundred times their former value. The enthusiasm which had distinguished the opening of the war had completely ended. Agriculturists refused to sell their produce for government notes, or would sell only at the highest prices. There was danger that the army could not be held together for want of supplies. The government was therefore constrained to seize whatever was needed for that object, and establish boards of commissioners to determine values. They who had expected that secession would not lead to war, or that the war would not amount to much, had been bitterly disappointed. The owners of slaves refused to hire them to the government; men of property remonstrated against taxation. Secession had been consented to in order to support slavery; now it was found that slavery must be sacrificed in order to support secession. The finances were falling into hopeless confusion.

Until November, 1861, the Confederate currency had

Decline of the Con

remained at par; afterward it steadily depre

federate finances. ciated. The amounts required to buy one. hundred dollars in gold were

A month later the currency was valueless.

But not only was there thus a great difficulty in obtain ing supplies, there was also serious embarrassment as to transportation. The railroads were fast wearing out: there were no adequate means for their repair. It was found necessary to reduce the rate of speed upon them to ten miles an hour. So stringent was the blockade that iron for rails could not be imported. There was danger that from many points the Confederate armies would have to fall back because of the difficulty of conveying to them supplies.

Nevertheless, two important road-links were made by the Confederate government. One was from Selma in Alabama to Meridian in Mississippi: it gave a line parallel to the Memphis and Charleston Road. The other was between Danville in Virginia and Greensboro in North Carolina, completing the line running in a general manner parallel to the Weldon Railroad, and furnishing a new complete line north and south.

The acts of the Confederate Congress in 1862 had authorized Mr. Davis to call into the military

Military measures of the Congress.

service all white male residents of the Confederacy between the ages of 18 and 45, except exempts. In that year all between 18 and 35 were called out, and a portion of those between 35 and 45. At the close of that year the Confederate armies reached their maximum of strength. After this they were greatly weakened by the expiration of the terms of some of the soldiers, and by the desertion III.-H H

of many others. The disasters of Gettysburg and Vicksburg occasioned an imperative demand for more troops; and accordingly, on July 15th, 1863, Davis issued a proclamation calling for all between 18 and 45 not exempt, directing them to repair to the conscript camps, under pain of being dealt with as deserters. Making due allowance, it was supposed that this would bring out about 75,000

men.

Desertion, straggling, and absenteeism prevailed to an alarming extent. Davis was constrained, on the 1st of August, to make an appeal not only to the absentees themselves, but also to the women, whom he implored to use their influence in aid of his call.

Extent to which

scription

At the close of 1863 the conscription was extended to every man between 18 and 55. Failure to were carried con- report for duty incurred the penalties of desertion. Through the depreciation of the currency, the pay of the soldiers had become worthless. At this time, according to the report of the Secretary of War, from one third to one half of the men whose names were on the muster-rolls were absent.

On December 28th, 1863, the Confederate Congress enacted that no person liable to military service should be permitted or allowed to furnish a substitute for such serv ice. A few days subsequently it was enacted that no person liable to military service should be exempted by reason of his having furnished a substitute. In February, 1864, a general military act was passed, under which al most the whole male population could be employed either in the army or in the raising of supplies. Subsequently, from time to time, measures still more stringent were taken; details, furloughs, and temporary exemptions were revoked.

It was found impossible to execute these acts strictly. Under all kinds of pretenses exemptions were obtained. More than 30,000 persons were exempted by the Conscription Bureau as state officers, more than 100,000 from