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soil, and production?

* * * Ever since the time that Congress first took action to suppress the slave-trade, AT THAT CRISIS AND MOMENT

WERE SOWN THE SEEDS OF DISUNION

THE CAUSE FULLY DEVELOPED.

We now see the ultimate purposes sought to be accomplished by the rebel leaders. We are now ready to draw the grand conclusion as to the cause of the rebellion. We are able, somewhat, to approach to an adequate conception of the enormity of that wickedness, to perpetrate which, through treason, fraud, war, and carnage, ministers of the Gospel and Christian Churches, with others,—as we shall see further on in these pages, gave their personal and official influence at an early stage in this drama of blood, and in some instances took the lead in counsel and action, and have been its most ardent supporters to the present hour. We see the special end to be reached by an overthrow of the Government of the United States, and the building up of another nation in its stead, upon such a 66 corner-stone" as no other nation, according to Mr. Stephens, ever rested upon "in the history of the world."

The project was grand. The means were appropriate. The conception was worthy of the greatest intellects and the largest hearts. We seriously doubt whether any other people but "our Southren brethren" could have compassed it. It was not merely to perpetuate a system of human bondage which was the scorn of the whole Christian world outside of the immediate region in which it was upheld; not merely to preserve for themselves and transmit to their children the status of slavery as it existed among them; but it was to inaugurate and consummate a great system of Slavery Propagandism, and that not merely upon the virgin soil of the Territories; these modern

THE CAUSE FULLY DEVELOPED.

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Apostles were to carry their missionary enterprise into the Free States; "New York, Pennsylvania, and the whole Northwest," were among the first benighted regions that were to be visited; and "with slaves at two hundred dollars" a head, every farmer could become a gentleman of leisure, with an abundance of laborers to till his grounds. To realize these glowing visions of wealth and the otium cum dignitate, the slave-marts of Africa were to be again thrown wide open, and "all sections" were to go in for "the revival of the slave-trade." Dr. Thornwell and other leading clergymen would approve of the traffic, and defend it in the Religious Reviews, as De Bow had long done in his Commercial Review, if it could only be divested of some of its repugnant adjuncts; and for the sake of enlisting their vigorous pens this could easily be done, or at least easily promised.

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And why should not all hands at once join in this, and all become rich together?-and why should we not, too, as a measure of humanity," when appealed to "calmly, historically, religiously, morally, statistically, and philosophically?" And, above all, we are appealed to patriotically. If we do not join in this grand religious and political regeneration of our country and the rest of mankind," an exasperated South will blow the Union to shivers" and set up for themselves; "for it has come to this—either a renewal of the slave-trade, or disunion." But they do not wish to do so bad a thing-oh, no! "They are patriots, and ready to make great sacrifices to preserve peace and Union!"

As, then, the "renewal of the old slave-trade" is the "only measure that can preserve the Union," the responsi bility of its preservation is upon the North. Why will she not step forward and sign the bond? Who can hesitate when such interests are in the trembling balance?—

wealth, ease, religion, humanity, patriotism, Union, and universal slavery; all made sure forever, with "the price of negroes at two hundred dollars" a head!

Another idea looms up under all this which certain moralists should ponder, and correct their logic. They have said all along that it was the "Abolitionists" who had bred all the trouble, and finally brought disunion. But let them take a lesson here from their Southern teachers. It was not the Abolitionists at all; not even the more moderate opponents of slavery; but it was opposition to the slave-trade which at the very first threatened to destroy the Union, just as a refusal to reopen it has led to its actual disruption. The Southern oracle says: "Ever since the time that Congress first took action to suppress the slave-trade, at that crisis and moment were sown the seeds of disunion." A truce then to this war upon the Abolitionists. The "seeds of disunion" were sown before they were out of their teens.

But to look at the matter "calmly," as we are exhorted to do: the AMERICAN PEOPLE may here behold the sumptuous repast to which they were sincerely and soberly invited by the leading spirits of the South, the men who controlled public opinion there, and were successful in precipitating the rebellion. Nothing short of consenting to these demands could have satisfied them. If the North had been ready for this humiliation, the Union and the Government could have been saved and peace maintained. But in no possible way could war have been avoided without this, except upon a complete abandonment of their ground by the South. That ground they would not abandon, and hence the rebellion.

RESPONSIBILITY FOR THE REBELLION.

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CHAPTER III.

RESPONSIBILITY FOR THE REBELLION.

As in regard to the cause of the rebellion, so also as to the responsibility for it, there has been a wide diversity of opinion. While the former is too plain to admit of doubt, there appears to be more plausible ground for dif ference about the latter; and yet, laying aside prejudice, the facts seem to place this also within the pale of complete moral certainty.

It has been very freely charged, and is still, by many in the loyal States, that the abolitionists have brought all the troubles upon the country, have provoked the South to rebel, and are therefore responsible for the war and all its consequences. Another class divide the responsibility about equally between the abolitionists and secessionists. Still another class charge the whole responsibility upon the rebels, insisting that whatever grievances they may have had, real or imaginary, they were not justified in seeking to redress them by revolution.

Few questions, either political or moral, connected with the contest, can be more important than this; important as affecting the interests of the country at large; important in the eyes of the nations of the world, and in the judg ment which posterity will form; as well as important, officially and personally, to the rulers, and the leaders of parties, both North and South, and to every individual who has given aid on either side, in however small a degree; and not only important for the life that now is, but in reference

to that account which all must render to God when He shall make inquisition concerning the responsibility for having plunged thirty millions of people, in a Christian land, into a war which has in its bearings and magnitude no parallel in history. No question, therefore, deserves to be approached with more candor and examined more dispassionately.

ABOLITIONISTS CHARGED WITH THE RESPONSIBILITY.

On this point we refer again to the papers of Judge Robertson; chiefly because he represents an extensive class. He condemns the secessionists unsparingly, but he holds the abolitionists largely responsible for the woes which have befallen the land. He says: "For that pernicious ferment, abolitionists are primarily and pre-eminently accountable, and are, therefore, justly chargeable with a large share of the responsibility for all the consequences; for, had there been no abolitionism, there would have been no secession yet, if ever, and had there been no secession there would have been no war. He plainly does not mean by "abolitionists" those who are simply emancipationists, or opposed to slavery, as nearly the whole North and many in the Border slave States are; for, he says, even of himself: "I am not, nor ever was, proslavery in feeling or in principle; I would delight to see all men free." By "abolitionists" he means those of the Garrison and Phillips school; for in the same article he describes them thus: "Abolitionists, it is true, have complained of the Constitution as a league with hell,' only because it tolerates and protects slavery in the slaveholding States; and this pestilent band of fanatics and demagogues have, for thirty years, been plotting a dissolution of the Union as the only or most speedy and sure means of abolishing slavery."

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