positions from which the system is defended. If these are untenable, all the rest is mere skirmishing.

We freely confess that we take very little interest, at present, in any discussion with the pen upon the right or wrong of slavery; and perhaps the reader will take far less. We shall not blame him if he does. A discussion concerning it is going on in the country, of infinitely deeper moment to every American citizen. As its friends have appealed to the sword in its defence, let its merits be decided with that weapon; and may God sustain the right!

THE EXTERNAL SITUATION.

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CHAPTER XV.

REVIEW AND CONCLUSION.

WE bring this work to a close in the present chapter. Several subjects on which we had proposed to dwell, and some chapters fully written, are entirely omitted, to avoid swelling the volume to a larger size.

The general subject which has enlisted our pen is one that must deeply interest every American citizen, as indeed it has awakened the interest and stimulated the inquiries of the whole civilized world.

THE EXTERNAL SITUATION.

It is safe to say that no contest of arms in modern or ancient times has embraced elements of wider range, in their bearing upon the general welfare of mankind, than the great American struggle now progressing. At the outset, it so seriously disturbed the industrial concerns of the two largest nations of Western Europe, to name no more, threatening thousands of operatives with starvation and endangering the public tranquillity, that it was feared they would, in self-defence, become parties to the quarrel, end thus enlarge the theatre of war. And during every stage of the strife thus far, an uneasy feeling about "foreign intervention" has more or less constantly haunted the minds of the people.

This was counted on by the leaders of the rebellion as an absolute necessity, involving, as they supposed, the daily bread of millions, and the regular flow of business in all the channels of trade. Without this hope, it is

highly improbable that they would have ventured on a bloody revolution. But they believed they were masters of the situation; that they had but to speak, and the world would obey. Hence, they defiantly proclaimed: "It is a remarkable fact, that during these thirty years of unceasing warfare against slavery, and while a lying spirit has inflamed the world against us, that world has grown more and more dependent upon it for sustenance and wealth." "Strike now a blow at this system of labor, and the world itself totters at the stroke." It is not wonderful, under this hallucination, that in their schemes of treason they should have attempted to justify themselves on the ground that they were discharging a "duty" in this regard which they owed "to the civilized world."

That the industry of the nations has suffered, and that their internal quiet and peace with us have been imperilled, is unquestionable; but that the world's industry, its trade, its tranquillity, were absolutely tied to the stake which they held, the event has disproved. It is nevertheless true that this belief, begetting the confidence that foreign intervention were a necessity, nerved them to strike the first blow; and it is also just as true, that the foreign aid which they have actually received, by land and sea, during every hour of the war, has enabled them to strike every subsequent blow with more effect, and that without such aid the rebellion would long since undoubtedly have been crushed.

RESPONSIBILITY OF FOREIGN POWERS.

This feature of the case shows the magnitude and bearings of the contest, not only by revealing what has been put at hazard, touching the actual necessities of toiling millions, but it draws into a deeper channel the

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great question of international comity. That the United States, in contest with a rebellion against its lawful authority, provoked by no governmental aggression, as the greatest statesman of the South declared,—a rebellion begun and prosecuted solely for independence in the interests of negro slavery,-should have encountered, under the name of "neutrality," the early, consistent, determined opposition of the great powers of Western Europe, in aiding the rebellion in ships, munitions of war, and in every other way which was possible or safe, presents a view which gives no satisfaction to those who prefer peace to war, and international friendship to enmity.

But the facts cannot be set aside by any sentimental philosophizing. They are written in deeds of blood. They mark every battle-field where lie bleaching the bones of the slain. They are imprinted on every rebel breast work mounted with English cannon. They are seen in every rebel platoon armed with English rifles. They are found on the deck of every piratical cruiser, built in English ports, carrying English guns, supplied with English powder, and manned by English seamen. The tale which these outfits of a "neutral" power tell, is read in the death-cries of our fathers, husbands, sons, and brothers, and is heard in the midnight wail of the homeless widow and the orphan. It is read in the perils which still hang over our national destiny, and in the alternate hope and fear which thrill the hearts of millions, lest, after all the sacrifices made for our national honor and safety, for human freedom at home and for downtrodden man abroad, our national disintegration should fall a prey to foreign jealousy of our rivalship and greatness, through a perfidy as venal as the hypocrisy of the powers which exhibit it is transparent.

THE COMING RECKONING.

It is not in human nature to pass over these things without a settlement. It may come soon, or it may be deferred. That the day of reckoning will come, we have no more doubt than that there is a God in the heavens. The deeds which demand it are imprinted on the memory of this generation indelibly. The impression will be transmitted to the generations to come. In God's own time and manner, whether soon or hereafter, the debt will be paid with compound interest. We but speak, as we verily believe, the common mind and common heart of this nation.

For the depredations upon American commerce committed by English piratical cruisers, we doubt not a demand will be made by our Government. That a record

of every case is scrupulously made, we do know. Whether the demand for compensation will be complied with, we do not know. Whether refusal will be made a casus belli, is of no material concern. Full compensation for

actual losses at sea would be but as a grain of sand in the scale of accumulated obligations. There are debts incurred which can never be paid in pounds, shillings, and pence. There are duties to be discharged which can be met only by an exhibition of the national power of the United States towards those who have forever blackened their honor in endeavoring to work our ruin; who have, with a meanness and a littleness which no words can adequately express, seized upon the hour of our domestic calamity to cripple the rivalry of our power by division, to humble our honor in the dust, that they might lord it over us, as they have always lorded it over the smaller States of Europe. In no other way can this balance be adjusted.