and yet considering the effort now making to impress the community with the idea that the church and the land will abolish slavery by its own virtue, and that the parties are able and willing to grapple with the evil this society deems it a duty to reiterate its convictions that the only exodus for the slave out of his present house of bondage is over the ruins of the present American Church, and the present American Union." Resolution adopted by the American Anti-Slavery Society, CHAPTER XII. PROGRESS OF THE NORTHERN CONSPIRACY(CONTINUED). Charles Sumner Advises Nullification and Disobedience to the Laws...Claims the Republican Party as Sectional, and suited to his Purpose...Greeley's Insult to the Flag: The "Flaunting Lie"...Is this an Abolition War?...Testimony of Gov. Stone, of Iowa... Statement of M. B. Lowry...Phillips on Secession..."Chicago Tribune and the Tax Bill...Extracts from a Massachusetts Pamphlet... Abuse of the Framers of the Constitution... Similarity between Northern and Southern Disunionists. CHARLES SUMNER ON NULLIFICATION. To show that CHARLES SUMNER came honestly by his nullification and resistance-tolaw doctrine, we present the following extract from his speech delivered at Worcester, Massa "Whereas, The dissolution of the present imperfect and inglorious Union between the free and slave States would result in the overthrow of slavery and the consequent foundation of a more perfect and glorious Union, without the incubus of slavery, therefore "Resolved, That we invite a free correspond-chusetts, Sept. 7, 1854, just after the slave ence with the disunionists of the South, in order to devise the most suitable way and means to secure the consummation so devoutly to be wished, Resolution adopted by the Essex County (Mass.,) Anti- "Resolved, That the war as hitherto, prosecuted, is but a wanton waste of property, a dreadful sacrifice of life, and worse than all, of conscience and of character, to preserve and perpetuate a Union and Constitution which should never have existed, and which, by all the laws of justice and humanity, should in their present form, be at once and forever overthrown." From Redmond's Speech, Boston. "Remembering that he was a slaveholder, he could spit upon Washington. * * So near to Faneuil Hall and Bunker Hill, was he not to be permitted to say that scoundrel GEORGE WASHINGTON had enslaved his fellow men?" From Phillips' Speech, same occasion. "Washington was a sinner. It became an American to cover his face when he placed his bust among the great men of the world." And again another time: "I have labored nineteen years to take fifteen States out of the Union; and if I have spent any nineteen years to the satisfaction of my Puritan conscience, it was those nineteen years." From Parker Pillsbury's Speech, April, 1862, "I do not wish to see this government prolonged another day in the present form. I have been for twenty years attempting to overthrow the present dynasty. The constitution never was so much an engine of cruelty and crime as at the present hour. I am not rejoiced at the tidings of victory to the northern arms; I would far rather see defeat, eta." From Stephen F. Forters's Speech, Boston, 1862. "I have endeavored to dissuade every young man I could from enlisting, telling them that they were going to fight for slavery:" ANTHONY BURNS had been rescued from the Boston mob, at which poor BACHELDER WAS killed by said mob, while in the discharge of his duty, in guarding the prisoner. Mr. SUMNER, among other things said: "But it is sometimes gravely urged that since the Supreme Court of the United States has affirmed the constitutionality of the Fugitive act, there only remains to us in all places, whether in public station or as private citizens, the duty of absolute submission. Now, with out stopping to consider the soundness of their judgment, affirming the constitutionality of this act, let me say that the Constitution of the United States, as I understand it, exacts no such passive obedience, * * and no man, who is not lost to self respect, and ready to abandon the manhood which is shown in the heaven directed countenance, will voluntarily aid in enforcing a "judgment" which in his conscience he solemnly believes to be against the fundamental law, whether of the Constitution or of God! * * * The whole dogma of passive obedience must be rejected-in whatever guise it may assume, and under whatever alias it may skulk; whether in the tyranical usurpations of king parliament or judicial tribunal." He thus sets off the aims and objects of the Republican party just then organized: "To the true-hearted, magnanimous men who are ready to place Freedom above Party, and their party above Politicians, I appeal. (Immense cheering.) Let them leave the old parties, and blend in an organization, which, without compromise, will maintain the good cause surely to the end. Here, in Massachusetts s large majority of the people concur in sentiment on slavery; a large majority desire the overthrow of the slave power. It becomes them not to scatter their votes, but to unite in one firm consistent phalanx, (applause) whose triumph shall constitute an epoch of Freedom, not only in this commonwealth, but throughout the land. Such an organization is now pre sented by this Republican Convention, which according to the resolutions by which it is convoked is to co-operate with the friends of freedom in other States." And this is the way he undertook to educate the public mind to the pitch of resisting the decisions of the Supreme Court: "But let me ask gentlemen who are disposed to abandon their own understanding of the Constitution, to submit their conscience to the standard of other men, by whose understanding do they swear? Surely not by that of the President. This is not alleged. But by the In othunderstanding of the Supreme Court. er words, to this Court, consisting at present of nine persons, is committed a power of fast. ening such interpretation as they see fit upon any part of the Constitution-adding to it or sub tracting from it-or positively varying its requirements-actually making and unmaking the Constitution; and all good citizens must bow to their work as of equal authority with the original instrument. ratified by solemn votes of the whole people. [Great applause.] If this be so, then the oath to support the Constitution of the United States is hardly less offensive than the famous "et cetera" oath devised by Archbishop Laud, in which the subject swore to certain specified things, with an "&c." added. Such an oath I have not taken. [Good, good.] For myself, let me say that I hold judges, and especially the Supreme Court of the country, in much respect; but I am too familiar with the history of judicial proceedings to regard them with any superstitious reverence.— [Sensation.] He thus clinches the subject, by boldly setting up the purpose of the Republican organization, to "overthrow the slave power" and "to open the gates of emancipation in the slave states:" "To the overthrow of the slave power we are thus summoned by a double call, one political and the other philanthropic; first, to remove an oppressive tyranny from the National Government, and secondly, to open the gates of Emancipation in the Slave states. [Loud applause.] must he devoured the fruits (the war) of his pious labors. As an original proposition, with no constitution to bind us, we should never have been in favor of the Fugitive Slave Law. But it was In 1812, &c., it In all those quotations we have made from old, and latter-day Federals, and from their progeny, the Republicans and Abolitionists, we request the reader to particularly notice the great similarity in the animus and "style" of. denunciation. When, in 1854, the slave Burns had been delivered at Boston, and put on board of a United States vessel, in charge of his claim in pursuance of that law which Mr. SumNER advised his followers to resist, though the supreme tribunal of the land had decided it constitutional. the New York Tribune, true to the instincts and purposes of the old haters of our Government, garnished its columns with the following poetical rhodomontade: But while keeping this great purpose in The existant, view, we must not forget details. ence of slavery anywhere within the national jurisdiction-in the territories, in the District of Columbia, or on the high seas beneath the national flag, is an unconstitutional usurpation, which must be opposed. The Fugitive Slave Bill, monstrous in cruelty, as in unconstitutionality, is a usurpation which must be opposed." With what huge delight must CHARLES SUMNER have heard the tocsin of war-as the natural and inevitable consequence of his partizan raid on the South. With what avidity THE AMERICAN FLAG. It shields a pirate's deck! It binds a man in chains! It yokes the captive's neck, And wipes the bloody stains! Tear down the flaunting lie; Half-mast the starry flag; Insult no sunny sky With hate's polluted rag! Destroy it, ye who can; Deep sink it in the waves! It bears a fellow man, To groan with fellow slaves! Furl, furl the boasted lie! Till Freedom lives again, To rule once more in truth, Among untrammeled men! Roll up the starry sheen, Cenceal its bloody stains, For in its folds are seen The stamp of rustling chains! Mr. SUMNER Sounded the key note of revolt in 1854. The Abolitionists caught it up, and demanded dissolution, as we have already seen. The war followed, as naturally as that any any effect follows a cause Whether this war is being prosecuted with sole reference to abolishing slavery, regardless of what may become of the Union, shall not rest on our charge. We will introduce Abolition testimony. Col. WM. STONE, the Governor of Iowa, in canvassing that state in the summer of 1863, in his speech at Keokuk, on the 3d of August, said: "Fellow citizens-I was not formerly an abolitionist, nor did I formerly suppose I would ever become one; but I am now, I have been for the last nine months, an unadulterated abolitionist. [At this the abolition portion of his audience shouted loudly and cried out. That's it,' 'That's the way to talk it out,' 'Hurrah, hurrah!] As a matter of policy, perhaps, it would have been more prudent not to have so publicly declared that I have become an abolitionist; but, since I have said it, I will not take it back, and let those who don't like it make the most of it. [Again the old Whighating Abolition faction of his audience shouted most lustily, while a number of Republicans, in an under tone, were heard to express dissatisfaction.] "Fellow-citizens-The opposition charge that this is an abolition war, Well, I admit that it is an abolition war. It was not such in the start; but the administration has discovered that they could not subdue the South else than making it an abolition war, and they have done so; and it will be continued as an abolition war so long as there is one slave at the South to be made free. Never, never can there be peace made, nor is peace desirable, until the last link of slavery is abolished.[Loud and prolonged cheers from the abolitionlats, while the republican Unionists muttered much dissent.] "Butler, Stanton, Burnside, and men of that stamp, I regard as true patriots; but as for the copperhead democracy, I hold for them the utmost contempt, and I would rather eat with a nigger, drink with a nigger, live with a nigger, and sleep with a nigger, than with a copperhead. [At this declaration in favor of sleeping, etc., with niggers rather than with the copperhead democracy, as he termed it all true democrats, the shouts of the advocates of negro amalgamation were loud and defiant.]" MORROW. B. LOWRY, an abolition State Senator in Pennsylvania, at a League meeting in Philadelphia, in 1863, said: "This war is for the African and his race.The six hundred colored men who have recently fallen, have elevated the race. For all I know, the Napoleon of this war may be done up in a black package. (Laughter.) We have no evidence of his being done up in a white one, hand, I said that if any negro would bring me as yet. When this war was no bigger than my his disloyal master's head, I would give him one hundred and sixty acres of his master's plantation. (Laughter and applause.) The man who talks of elevating the negro would not have to elevate him very much to make him equal to himself" We might crowd a small octavo volume with similar declamations and admissions, but these must suffice until some one shall impeach the veracity of these revolutionists. In a speech by WENDELL PHILLIPS in 1862, he said: "Slavery had suggested secession, and it had a right to do so, for he, (Mr. PHILLIPS,) being a secessionist, believed that those people were the sole judges of what causes they had for revolution." While the tax bill was pending in Congress, a Washington correspondent of the Chicago Tribune said through that sheet: The Tax Bill is slowly grinding through the House, in committee of the whole, and is one of the most telling anti-slavery documents ever devised by the wit of man. If there had been no slavery, there would have been no rebellion, and of course no tax bill. Every man, woman and child in the loyal states must now commence paying for the luxury of having neighbors who own and flog negroes. There are none so poor that they can eseape this slavery tax-none so dull they cannot see what has caused it." This is the same species of argument as that of the man who shot his neighbor, and charged the fault to the man who invented ganpowder. Had there been no powder the man would not have been shot. As slavery caused no war previous to the agitation by those who had nothing to do with it, would it not be quite as charita ble to suppose that slavery agitation was the hint, and yet the authors of the foregoing have cause of the war tax? never been arrested by the powers that be, nor have they ever been denounced by those powers or their backers. But while those fanatical disunionists were denouncing our fathers, for becoming partners with tyrants, and showing their proof for this For years, the disunionists of the North have manifested the boldness of a CROMWELL, the assiduity of beavers, the cunning of foxes, the malignancy of ISCARIOTS. Their money has been poured out free as water, in publishing and circulating Abolition tracts, speeches, in-charge from the MADISON papers, they ought flammatory and incendiary appeals-not to national honor and pride, but to the passions and hot bed sentimentalities that fester in the breasts of malcontents. In 1852, a series of pamphlets were issued for Massachusetts, entitled, "The United States Constitution and its pro slavery compromises." From the "Third edition, enlarged," of this treasonable publication we take the following: "If, then, the people and the courts of a country are to be allowed to determine what their own laws mean, it follows that at this time, and for the last half century, the Constitution of the United States has been, and still is a pro-slavery instrument, and that any one who swears to support it, swears to do proslavery acts, and violates his duty both as a man and an Abolitionist. "If, then, the Constitution be what these debates (the Madison papers) show that our fathers intended to make it, and what, too, their descendants, this nation, say they did make it, and agreed to uphold, then we affirm that it is a covenant with death, and an agreement with hell,' and ought to be immediately annulled! No Abolitionist can consistently take office under it, or swear to support it. To continue this disastrous alliance (the Federal Union) longer, is madness! We dare not prolong the experiment, and with double earnestness, we repeat our demand upon every honest man to join in the outcry of the American Anti-Slavery Society-No union with slaveholders!" Speaking of the framers of the Constitution, it says: "Now, these pages prove the melancholy fact, that willingly, with deliberate purpose, our fathers bartered honesty for gain, and became partners with tyrants! that they might share in the profits of their tyranny. On page 145, the following occurs: "Fidelity to the cause of human freedom. and allegiance to God [the Higher law which Mr. SEWARD borrowed from the Puritanical fathers] require that the existing National compact should be instantly dissolved; that secession from the Government is a religious and political duty." What more did the South Carolina Nullifiers and Secessionists ever declare? What more have they ever done than to act upon this pious not to have neglected the important fact that it was mainly owing to the vote of Massachuetts and Rhode Island that the report of the committee of thirteen, and the voice of slaveholding Virginia and Delaware were overruled, and the slave trade, now pronounced piracy by the greatest Powers on the globe, was prolonged from 1800 to 1808. Yes, Massachusetts done this to "protect" her sordid shipping interest, on a plea of gain, and to have been consistent those Massachusetts Abolitionists, who now shout for the war, only because "it is an instrument in the hands of God" to confiscate the slave property at the South, purchased from the guilty slave importers of Bostonunder that constitutisnal license, prolonged for eight years at the special request, and by the solid vote of Massachusetts and Connecticut, against the earnest protest of old Virginia and Delaware. Now comes Massachusetts and declares the consequences of her own crimes a cause for dissolving the Union, after she has gone out of the trade! CHAPTER XIII. DISUNION OF NORTHERN GROWTH. Disunion began in the North... Admission by Wendell Phillips...The War brought on by the North as a Means to an End...The Kansas Imbroglio...Stimulated by the Radicals to Aid Secession and Disunion-Helper's "Impending Crisis" as a Means to hasten Dissolution...Mr. Seward Endorses its "Logical Analogies"-Treasona. ble Kansas War Meeting in Buffalo-Gerrit Smith and Gov. Reeder Stimulate the "Cause "... Beecher on Shooting at Men... Charles Sumner admits the Northern Conspiracy. DISUNION BEGUN AT THE NORTH. WENDELL PHILLIPS is the most honest and outspoken of all the Northern Disunionists. He does not hesitate to claim that this revolution began at the North, and that it had a purpose in view, and that purpose was dissolution the means being the slavery agitation. In a letter to the Boston Liberator, July 21, 1863, he makes the following remarkably candid declarations: "The disunion we sought was one which * * should be begun by the North on principle. * The agitation for such disunion, based on the idea that slavery is a sin, to be immediately repudiated at every cost, was the most rect and effective way of educating the public to a stern anti-slavery principle. * Abolition of slavery was our object, disunion our weapon. [This reversed, would accord more nearly with the general purpose of Abolitionists.] * The North had the right of revolution-the right to break the Union, and that such disunion would sooner end slavery than continuing under a Constitution that forbade the North during peace to interfere with the slave systems of the Southern states." * "The sharp sword of war kills or cures at once, and as God has linked success with justice, we must be whipped into a people hating di-slavery, as their conqueror, or we must be successful, with justice for our ally-the negro our acknowledged equal and brother! We see nevertheless, the use of our disunion agitation. If we did not fully convert the community by our cry, 'Liberty and justice are better than Union,' we so far leavened their minds, and wakened their consciences, that when the war came, the hour found them ready to accept the issue. When the question was put-the old Union, with slavery, or a new one without it, the people have been found far more ready than any man supposed, to answer, give us, at any cost, Union and freedom," &c. Here is a bold declaration that this war was of "right" brought on by the North, by the slavery agitation, so that slavery could be abolished, which could not be done in a state of peace. This admission covers the whole ground, as to who is responsible for the war. It admits as plain as language can that the slavery agitators drove the South into it with the avowed purpose of accomplishing in a state of war what they admit they could not in a state of peace. But, Mr. PHILLIPS leaves us nothing to guess, and in the following paragraph he gives us the Abolition reasons for stimulating war, as simple as a child would narrate a May-day exploit: "In these circumstances, the Abolitionists, who were not peace men, and had never asserted the sinfulness of war, perceived that the war itself would produce an overwhelming national opinion adverse to slavery, sooner than any other agency. The manifestation war must make of the nature and designs of the slave power, would inevitably make every Unionist an Abolitionist. The need of the negro in the conflict would destroy prejudice against color more speedily than any other means could, and his presence in the army would be the first step to civil equality. We saw that the preservation of the Union would efficiently protect the negro in his transition to perfect freedom, and that the nation he helped to create, owed him this aid, which is of vast importance. "As things stand, therefore, since the war: "1. The Union means liberty, and to save itself, must free the blacks. To uphold it in this struggle for existence, is the readiest way to convert the nation into Abolitionists. One year of such war is worth, for this purpose, twenty years of peaceful agitation." This plan of inciting all the horrors of a civil war as the best means to liberate the African and make him in all respects our equal, is certainly more ingenious than reputable. It is worthy the sinister purposes of the agitating authors of this war. Mr. P. continues: Thus, we have the admission that the Abolitionists brought on the war to put down slavery, and then we have the Proclamation as a "military necessity" to put down the war. How easy and simple the proposition. We have ever regarded MR. PPILLIPS as & talented, truthful, bold, fanatical, bad man.-When he tells us that he and his class have been endeavoring to bring on war and dissolution we believe him, not because we want to believe him, but because his admission comes from one of that class-yea, its principal leader, who are now on trial before the great trib unal of history as inciters, aiders and abetors of treason against the best human government ever established on this globe. THE KANSAS IMBROGLIO. We are to read the Kansas imbroglio in the light of Mr. PHILLIP's admission. That th unhappy state of affairs in Kansas was made to play into the hands, and aid the designs of the Northern disunionists and the Southern disunionists, we have not a doubt. It was unquestionably the purpose of Southern "propagandists" to make a show of establishing slavery in Kansas, not that advocates of the "peculiar system" ever believed slavery would be either profitable or permanent, if established in that territory. But it furnished a coveted point to both sides for a "conflict," and while those politicians in the interest of the South played their role to the best ad vantage, and committed many criminal acts, that ought to "make the dogs blush," their counterparts in treasonable opposition, "jumped at the chance" to stimulate their long cherished "idea," by precipitating the "irrepressible conflict." Had even the agitators of the North been dictated by purely patriotic |